Amit Shah: BJP's 'Chanakya' who delivered Modi Wave 2.0

Agencies
May 24, 2019

New Delhi, May 24: He combined BJP's core Hindutva plank with a hardcore nationalism agenda and set up a huge ground-level organisational setup to execute it the BJP's 'Chanakya' Amit Shah blazed such a trail that the 'Modi Wave 2.0' surpassed its own original avatar with a much bigger saffron surge.

Known as an astute strategist whose non-political interests range from playing chess and watching cricket to stage performances and listening to classical music, 54-year-old Shah is often hailed as the BJP's most successful president for crafting its way to power states after states.

The record tally that he has now delivered for the BJP in the Lok Sabha 2019 elections is already being seen by many as something that would be difficult to repeat, though there are others who believe there is more to come as they point towards further inroads to be made in West Bengal, Odisha and in down South.

A man with avowed aim of having the BJP rule from "panchayat to Parliament", Shah has built his party into a formidable army that has been forever marching on since he took charge as its president in July 2014, turning India more saffron than it has ever been.

Political pundits say Shah has used a skilful mix of ideological firmness, unlimited political imagination and realpolitik flexibility to keep the BJP ahead of the game.

He ceded space in states like Bihar and Maharashtra to put allies at ease, worked on rival politicians with captive local vote banks to get them into the BJP fold, and sewed up new alliances as in Tamil Nadu and in the North East to boost his party's winning prospects.

And, unlike in the 90s when the BJP first came to power at the Centre, Shah ensured that his party made new friends without inviting the charge from its core voter base of diluting its core principles, ranging from Ram temple to cow, nationalism and Kashmir, for political gains.

If under Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L K Advani, the saffron party was seen as being inhibited in going all-out with its Hindutva plank for fear of antagonising allies and due to its perceived limited electoral appeal, the BJP has worn its Hindutva ideology on sleeve like a badge of honour under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Shah.

Shah has been of a firm view that Hindutva combined with the BJP's hardcore nationalism agenda, though panned as shrill and divisive by its critics, render the party a distinct identity, and is a winning electoral strategy.

He has always believed that the allies would keep coming as long as the party is delivering in the polls.

Shah is also known to always match his limitless political ambition with thorough spadework, and then takes charge at the ground to put it into work.

When it emerged in 2015 that the BJP with its small allies was no match to the joint forces of Lalu Prasad and Nitish Kumar in Bihar, the party worked at winning over the JD(U) president, who finally broke his short alliance with Prasad in 2017 and joined hands with the former ally.

And when reports of disquiet within the JD(U) emerged with the alliance, Shah met Kumar and announced that both parties will contest an equal number of Lok Sabha seats in Bihar, virtually conceding the senior status to the regional party within the state.

In Maharashtra, where Shah had let ally Shiv Sena walk out of the alliance in the 2015 assembly polls so that the BJP can consolidate its position there, he offered a generous seat-sharing deal to the Hindutva ally for the all-important Lok Sabha polls.

In Uttar Pradesh with Yogi Adityanath at the helm as chief minister, Shah combined the Hindutva agenda with the Modi government's development plank to woo backward castes and bolster its traditional base of upper castes to take on a formidable SP-BSP combine.

Having risen through the ranks since starting at the booth level for the party in Gujarat at the age of 14 years, Shah is a firm believer in the prerequisite of a strong ground-level organisational machinery for poll successes.

In state after state, he has put in place robust organisational machinery for publicising the government schemes, carrying out political programmes and making full use of social media to reach out to voters.

For the 2019 elections, he deployed over 7,000 leaders for nearly 500 poll committee across the country, with special focus on 120 seats that the BJP had lost in 2014, and brought in 3,000 "full-timers" across parliamentary seats.

Seen as a Modi confidant, Shah also brought about cohesion between the government and the party, with the party leaders promoting the government's work and the ministers being used for the party work.

Leading from the front, Shah held over 161 rallies and visited over 312 Lok Sabha seats, clocking over 1.58 lakh km, more than any other leader.

After being given charge of the party, he was seen as Modi's hand-picked man to usher in changes to make it more attuned to the prime minister's vision. He did so, including by easing out veterans like L K Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi, cultivating a new band of younger leaders and by keeping the party firmly under his grip.

By all accounts, Shah has become to Modi what Advani was to Vajpayee, and may have crafted a success much bigger than that of the original Hindutva mascot.

Just a few months back, Shah said the BJP will remain in power for 50 years if it wins the 2019 elections. With 2019 done and dusted, he can be trusted to work at the "50-year" saffron rule in India.

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News Network
June 20,2020

New Delhi, Jun 20: A rare celestial event, annular solar eclipse, which is popularly known as the "ring of fire" eclipse, will be visible this Sunday in India.

It will be the first solar eclipse of this year takes place on the summer solstice, which is the longest day in the Northern Hemisphere.

While people living along the path annular eclipse passing through Anupgarh, Suratgarh, Sirsa, Jakhal, Kurukshetra, Yamunanagar, Dehradun, Tapowan and Joshimath will be able to see the annular phase, people in rest of India can witness a partial eclipse, said the Ministry of Science and Technology.

When Moon comes between the Sun and Earth, the shadow falls on the surface of the Earth. The Sun is entirely covered by the Moon for a brief period. Those places that are engulfed by the dark, dense umbral shadow of the Moon experience the total solar eclipse. In the regions that plunge into the soft diffused penumbral shadow of the Moon experience the partial eclipse.

"Annular solar eclipse is a particular case of the total solar eclipse. Like the total solar eclipse, the Moon is aligned with the Sun. However, on that day, the apparent size of the Moon happens to be a wee smaller than the Sun. Hence the Moon covers the central part of the Sun, and the rim of the Sun appear like a 'ring of fire' in the sky for a very brief moment" explains Samir Dhurde of The Inter-University Centre for Astronomy and Astrophysics, Pune.

During the solar eclipse, the apparent size of the Moon is smaller than that of the Sun by 1 per cent, the expert said.

Allying rumours that the eclipse will mark the end of coronavirus, Aniket Sule, Chairperson, Public Outreach and Education Committee of the Astronomical Society of India, said: "Solar eclipse is caused when the Moon comes in front of the Sun for a short time. As seen from Earth eclipses occur somewhere in the Earth 2 to 5 times a year. Eclipses do not impact microorganisms on Earth. Likewise there no danger in eating of stepping out during an eclipse. No mysterious rays come out of the Sun during an eclipse."

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Agencies
May 27,2020

New Delhi, May 27: India’s fourth recession since Independence, first since liberalisation, and perhaps the worst to date is here, according to rating agency, Crisil.

CRISIL sees the Indian economy shrinking 5 per cent in fiscal 2021 (on-year), because of the Covid-19 pandemic. The first quarter will suffer a staggering 25 per cent contraction.

About 10 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) in real terms could be permanently lost. "So going back to the growth rates seen before the pandemic is unlikely in the next three fiscals", Crisil said.

Crisil has revised its earlier forecast downwards. "Earlier, on April 28, we had slashed our prediction to 1.8 per cent growth from 3.5 per cent growth. Things have only gone downhill since", it said.

While we expect non-agricultural GDP to contract 6 per cent, agriculture could cushion the blow by growing at 2.5 per cent.

In the past 69 years, India has seen a recession only thrice as per available data in fiscals 1958, 1966 and 1980. The reason was the same each time a monsoon shock that hit agriculture, then a sizeable part of the economy.

"The recession staring at us today is different," it added. For one, agriculture could soften the blow this time by growing near its trend rate, assuming a normal monsoon. Two, the pandemic-induced lockdowns have affected most non-agriculture sectors. And three, the global disruption has upended whatever opportunities India had on the exports front.

Economic conditions have slid precipitously since the April-end forecast of 1.8 per cent GDP growth for fiscal 2021 (baseline), Crisil said.

On the lockdown extension, it said that the government has extended the lockdown four times to deal with the rising number of cases, curtailing economic activity severely (lockdown 4.0 is ending on May 31).

The first quarter of this fiscal will be the worst affected. June is unlikely to see major relaxations as the Covid-19 affliction curve is yet to flatten in India.

"Not only will the first quarter be a washout for the non-agricultural economy, services such as education, and travel and tourism among others, could continue to see a big hit in the quarters to come. Jobs and incomes will see extended losses as these sectors are large employers," Crisil said.

CRISIL also foresees economic activity in states with high Covid-19 cases to suffer prolonged disruption as restrictions could continue longer.

A rough estimate based on a sample of eight states, which contribute over half of India's GDP, shows that their 'red zones' (as per lockdown 3.0) contributed 42 per cent to the state GDP on average regardless of the share of such red zones.

On average, the orange zones contribute 46 per cent, while the green zones where activity is allowed to be close to normal contribute only 12 per cent to state GDP.

The economic costs are higher than earlier expectations, according to Crisil. The economic costs now beginning to show up in the hard numbers are far worse than initial expectations.

Industrial production for March fell by over 16%. The purchasing managers indices for the manufacturing and services sectors were at 27.4 and 5.4, respectively, in April, implying extraordinary contraction. That compares with 51.8 and 49.3, respectively, in March.

Exports contracted 60.3 per cent in April, and new telecom subscribers declined 35 per cent, while railway freight movement plunged 35 per cent on-year.

"Indeed, given one of the most stringent lockdowns in the world, April could well be the worst performing month for India this fiscal," it said.

Added to that is the economic package without enough muscle. The government recently announced a Rs 20.9 lakh crore economic relief package to support the economy. The package has some short-term measures to cushion the economy, but sets its sights majorly on reforms, most of which will have payoffs only over the medium term.

"We estimate the fiscal cost of this package at 1.2 per cent of GDP, which is lower than what we had assumed in our earlier estimate (when we foresaw a growth in GDP)," it said.

"We believe a catch-up to the pre-crisis trend level of GDP growth will not be possible in the next three fiscals despite policy support. Under the base case, we estimate a 10 per cent permanent loss to real GDP (from the decadal-trend level), assuming average growth of about 7 per cent between fiscals 2022 and 2024," Crisil said.

Interestingly, after the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), a sharp growth spurt helped catch up with the trend within two years. GDP grew 8.2 per cent on average in the two fiscals following the GFC. Massive fiscal spending, monetary easing and swift global recovery played a role in a V-shaped recovery.

To catch-up would require average GDP growth to surge to 11 per cent over the next three fiscals, something that has never happened before.

The research said that successive lockdowns have a non-linear and multiplicative effect on the economy a two-month lockdown will be more than twice as debilitating as a one-month imposition, as buffers keep eroding.

Partial relaxations continue to be a hindrance to supply chains, transportation and logistics. Hence, unless the entire supply chain is unlocked, the impact of improved economic activity will be subdued.

Therefore, despite the stringency of lockdown easing a tad in the third and the fourth phases, their negative impact on GDP is expected to massively outweigh the benefits from mild fiscal support and low crude oil prices, especially in the April-June quarter. "Consequently, we expect the current quarter's GDP to shrink 25 per cent on-year," it said.

Counting lockdown 4.0, Indians have had 68 days of confinement. S&P Global estimates that one month of lockdown shaves 3 per cent off annual GDP on average across Asia-Pacific.

Since India's lockdown has been the most stringent in Asia, the impact on economic growth will be correspondingly larger.

Google's Community Mobility Reports show a sharp fall in movement of people to places of recreation, retail shops, public transport and workplace travel. While data for May shows some improvement in India, mobility trends are much below the average or baseline, and lower compared with countries such as the US, South Korea, Brazil and Indonesia.

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News Network
January 12,2020

Tehran, Jan 12: Iranian police dispersed students chanting “radical” slogans during a Saturday gathering in Tehran to honour the 176 people killed when an Ukrainian airliner was mistakenly shot down, Fars news agency reported.

News agency correspondents said hundreds of students gathered early in the evening at Amir Kabir University, in downtown Tehran, to pay respects to those killed in the air disaster. The tribute later turned into an angry demonstration.

The students chanted slogans denouncing "liars" and demanded the resignation and prosecution of those responsible for downing the plane and allegedly covering up the accidental action.

Iran said Saturday that the Ukraine International Airlines Boeing 737 was “unintentionally” shot down on Wednesday shortly after taking off from Tehran's main airport. All 176 people on board died, mostly Iranians and Canadians, many of whom were students.

Fars, which is close to conservatives, said the protesting students chanted “destructive” and “radical” slogans. The news agency said some of the students tore down posters of Qasem Soleimani, the Iranian general killed on January 3 in a US drone strike on Baghdad.

Fars published pictures of demonstrators gathered around a ring of candles during the tribute and a picture of a torn poster bearing the image of a smiling Soleimani. It said that police "dispersed" them as they left the university and blocked streets, causing a traffic jam.

In an extremely unusual move, state television mentioned the protest, reporting that the students shouted "anti-regime" slogans.

A video purportedly of the protest circulated online showing police firing tear gas at protesters and a man getting up after apparently being hit in the leg by a projectile. It was not possible to verify the location of the video, or when it was filmed.

Iran's acknowledgement on Saturday that the plane had been shot down in error came after officials had for days categorically denied Western claims that it had been struck by a missile. The aerospace commander of Iran's Revolutionary Guards accepted full responsibility.

But Brigadier General Amirali Hajizadeh said the missile operator acted independently, shooting down the Boeing 737 after mistaking it for a "cruise missile".

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