Atal Bihari Vajpayee: BJP’s liberal mask with a visible soul of Sangh

Ram Puniyani
September 3, 2018

With the loss of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the ex-Prime minster of India, many obituaries poured in praising his liberalism and amicable nature. Many of them described him as ‘Right man in the wrong party’. This is the most prevalent image about him. He is perceived as a Right man for his accommodating nature during Governments under his leadership. His brilliant oratory stands out without any doubt. But was he is Right man?

The events happening in the aftermath of his demise are very disturbing. We painfully saw Swami Agnivesh, trying to pay homage to Vajpayee, was beaten up. We saw Sanjay Kumar an academic with Motihari Central University Bihar, beaten badly for his social media post criticizing Vajpayee. We also witnessed an elected Corporator of Aurangabad, sent to jail for refusal pay tribute-condolence to Vajpayee. On the other side his niece Vatsala Shukla accused that while BJP ignored Vajpayee for last nine years, when he was bed ridden, now they are trying to milk his legacy for political purpose. The Asthi Kalash Yatra, (procession with mortal remains), the program to scatter his ashes to different rivers of the country, are being taken out with great pomp, which many are seeing as a political gimmick.

The trajectory of life of Mr. Vajpayee is very revealing as far as his political ideology is concerned, notwithstanding his friendly overtures to Pakistan and peace initiative in Kashmir. While much is being made of his oratorical skills, jocular nature and accommodative spirit, what is being underplayed is his political ideology, the sectarian Hindu nationalism for which he worked all his life. He joined RSS at an early age and became well known for his poem, Hindu Tan Man Hindu Jeevan. (Hindu body-Soul: Hindu life). This was the time when Indian identity was becoming the major identity for the people of India. He also wrote an article in RSS mouthpiece Organiser, outlining his political agenda, the title of this aptly was ‘Sangh (RSS combine) is my soul’. Later in an article on the web he claimed that he had participated in the freedom moment. This claim of his was debunked by investigation by Frontline and it turned out that he was a mere onlooker in the procession of Quit India movement in his village Bateshwar. As per his won confession he did not participate in the procession. He named the leaders of movement and was released from the jail in couple of days. He was a part of RSS, whose Chief had given the instructions to keep off the 1942 Quit India movement. As a loyal RSS worker he did not participate in Quit India movement.

After Independence, the first major attempt to bring Cow on the forefront of politics was done on 6th November 1966, when armed Sadhus attacked the Parliament. Vajpayee gave a strong speech on the occasion. When Janata party leaders demanded (1977-1979) that Vajpayee and company who have joined the Janata party; break the connection with RSS, he along with others members of erstwhile Jansangh refused to break their connection with RSS; leading to break up of the party.

As far as Ram Temple movement is concerned, the perception is that he was not a part of that. As a matter of fact he gave the provocative speech on 5th December 1992, about doing the Kar Seva and the necessity to level the ground for that. In the aftermath of demolition; on one hand he stated that we are sorry to the nation (7th December 1992) on the other a week later he stated that it was the will of God and a month later “If the sentiments of majority are not respected, this is what happens.”

Ruchira Gupta, who was covering the demolition and was molested by Kar Sevaks, tells us that she was called by Vajpayee for a cup of tea, where he told her that she comes from a good family and she should not speak about what happened to her. Vajpayee had cultivated a soft image, and with this image he was trying to cover up the RSS combine’s crime of demolition. It is true that his name was pushed forward by Advani for Prime Minster-ship. The reason was plain and simple that while Advani was the main mobilizer for BJP, they needed the alliances with other parties for coming to power. That time Advani’s image as the demolisher of the mosque was an impediment. Vajpayee remained forthright in his loyalty to RSS agenda. In Staten Island, during his US trip, he stated that he may be a Prime Minster, but he is primarily a RSS worker. In the wake of anti Christian violence in Dangs, Gujarat, (1999) in keeping with RSS agenda he called for national debate on conversion, there was no word for the victims of violence.

Similarly much is made of his Raj Dharma advice to Narendra Modi during Gujarat violence 2002. There are reports that as a Prime Minster he had made up his mind to sack Narendra Modi. After seeing the support for Modi’s with BJP workers, he retreated and kept quiet. Not only that in the speech later he spoke the Narenda Modi thesis of Action-Reaction in a sophisticated way, saying that, “If a conspiracy had not been hatched to burn alive the innocent passengers of the Sabarmati Express, then the subsequent tragedy in Gujarat could have been averted. But this did not happen. People were torched alive.”As per him the train burning had not been condemned enough! He also articulated the RSS antipathy to Muslims saying that where ever there are Muslims, there are problems. All this part of RSS myth making and communal elaboration he put forward in a subtle manner!

As such Vajpayee came at a political phase when RSS combine needed electoral rooting. The divisive language had to be put with the sugar coating, and that’s what he did with great competence. No wonder the RSS ideologue Govindacharya called him Mukhota (Mask) of BJP.

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Wafa Sultana
April 4,2020

Over the last couple of days when the world was occupied with unifying efforts to fight the deadly Covid19 pandemic, sections of Indian media provided viewers a familiar scapegoat – the Indian Muslims – who are often stereotyped as a community being constantly at loggerheads with the citizenry and the State. Biased media channels were quick to resort to blaming the entire Muslim community for the spread of the disease in the country, thanks to an ill-timed Tablighi Jamaat gathering at its international headquarters in Delhi’s Nizamuddin. Unsurprisingly, the opprobrium was also marked by a sudden spike in WhatsApp forwards of videos with people wearing skullcaps licking spoons and performing Sufi breathing rituals, suggesting some sort of wild conspiracy on the part of the community to spread the virus.  Some media channels were quick to formulate, hypothesize and provide loose definitions of a newly discovered form of Jihad i.e. ‘Corona Jihad ’ thereby vilifying the Islamic faith and its followers.

While the investigation on the culpability of the organizers of the Nizamuddin event is still ongoing, there is enough information to suggest that the meeting was held before any lockdown was in force, and the problem began when there was no way of getting people out once the curfew was announced. Be that as it may, there is little doubt that organizing a meet of such a scale when there is a global pandemic smacks of gross misjudgment, and definitely the organizers should be held accountable if laws or public orders were defied. Attendees who attempt to defy quarantine measures must be dealt with strictly. However, what is alarming is that the focus and narrative have now shifted from the unfortunate event at Nizamuddin to the Tablighi Jamaat itself.

For those not familiar with the Tablighi Jamaat, the organization was founded in 1926 in Mewat by scholar Maulana Mohammad Ilyas. The Jamaat’s main objective was to get Muslim youth to learn and practice pristine Islam shorn of external influences. This is achieved through individuals dedicating time for moral and spiritual upliftment secluded from the rest of the world for a brief period of time. There is no formal membership process. More senior and experienced participants typically travel from one mosque to other delivering talks on religious topics, inviting local youth to attend and then volunteer for a spiritual retreat for a fixed number of days to a mosque in a nearby town or village to present the message to their co-religionists. Contrary to ongoing Islamophobic rhetoric, the movement does not actively proselytize. The focus is rather on getting Muslims to learn the teachings and practices of Islam.  This grassroots India-based movement has now grown to almost all countries with substantial Muslim populations. Its annual meets, or ‘ijtemas’ are among the largest Islamic congregations in the world after the annual Haj. One of the reasons for its popularity and wide network in the subcontinent and wordwide is the fact that it has eschewed the need for scholarly intervention, focusing on peer learning of fundamental beliefs and practice rather than high-falutin ideological debates. The Tablighi Jamaat also distinguishes itself from other Islamic movements through its strictly apolitical nature, with a focus on individual self-improvement rather than political mobilization. Hardships and difficulty in the world are expected to be face through ‘sabr’ (patience) and ‘dua’ (supplication),  than through quest for political power or influence. In terms of ideology, it is very much based on mainstream Sunni Islamic principles derived from the Deobandi school.

So, why is all this background important in the current context? While biased media entities have expectedly brought out their Islamophobic paraphernalia out for full display, more neutral commentators have tried to paint the Tablighi Jamaat as a fringe group and have tried to distance it from 'mainstream Muslims'. While the intent is no doubt innocent, this is a trap we must not fall into. This narrative, unfortunately, is also gaining ground due to apathy some Muslims have for the group, accusing it of being “disconnected from the realities of the world”. Unlike other Muslim organizations and movements, the Tablighi Jamat, by virtue of its political indifference, does not boast of high-profile advocates and savvy spokespersons who can defend it in mainstream or social media.  The use of adjectives such as 'outdated' and 'orthodox' by liberal columnists to describe the Jamaat feeds into the malignant attempt to change the narrative from the control of the spread of the pandemic due to the Nizamuddin gathering to 'raison d'etre' of the organization itself.

A large mainstream religious group like the Tablighi Jamaat with nearly a hundred-year history, normally considered to be peaceful, apolitical and minding its own business is now suddenly being villainized owing to unfortunate circumstances. Biased media reactions filled with disgust and hate seem to feed the Indian public conscience with a danngerous misconception - to be a nominal Muslim is okay but being a practicing one is not.  For those committed to the truth and fighting the spread of Islamophobia, the temptation to throw the entire Tablighi Jamaat under the bus must be resisted.

The writer is a lawyer and research scholar at Qatar University. Her research interests include Islamic law and politics.

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zahoorahmed
 - 
Saturday, 4 Apr 2020

great article! provides a great perspective on tableeg jamat

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Ram Puniyani
February 4,2020

As democracy is seeping in slowly all over the world, there is an organization which is monitoring the degree of democracy in the individual countries, The Economist Intelligence Unit. As such in each country there are diverse factors which on one hand work to deepen it, while others weaken it. Overall there is a march from theoretical democracy to substantive one. The substantive democracy will herald not just the formal equality, freedom and community feeling in the country but will be founded on the substantive quality of these values. In India while the introduction of modern education, transport, communication laid the backdrop of beginning of the process, the direction towards deepening of the process begins with Mahatma Gandhi when he led the non-cooperation movement in 1920, in which average people participated. The movement of freedom for India went on to become the ‘greatest ever mass movement’ in the World.

The approval and standards for democracy were enshrined in Indian Constitution, which begins ‘We the people of India’, and was adopted on 26th January 1950. With this Constitution and the policies adopted by Nehru the process of democratization started seeping further, the dreaded Emergency in 1975, which was lifted later restored democratic freedoms in some degree. This process of democratisation is facing an opposition since the decade of 1990s after the launch of Ram Temple agitation, and has seen the further erosion with BJP led Government coming to power in 2014. The state has been proactively attacking civil liberties, pluralism and participative political culture with democracy becoming flawed in a serious way. And this is what got reflected in the slipping of India by ten places, to 51st, in 2019. On the index of democracy India slipped down from the score of 7.23 to 6.90. The impact of sectarian BJP politics is writ on the state of the nation, country.

Ironically this lowering of score has come at a time when the popular protests, the deepening of democracy has been given a boost and is picking up with the Shaheen Bagh protests. The protest which began in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi in the backdrop of this Government getting the Citizenship amendment Bill getting converted into an act and mercilessly attacking the students of Jamia Milia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University along with high handed approach in Jamia Nagar and neighbouring areas.  From 15th December 2019, the laudable protest is on.

It is interesting to note that the lead in this protest has been taken by the Muslim women, from the Burqa-Hijab clad to ‘not looking Muslim’ women and was joined by students and youth from all the communities, and later by the people from all the communities. Interestingly this time around this Muslim women initiated protest has contrast from all the protests which earlier had begun by Muslims. The protests opposing Shah Bano Judgment, the protests opposing entry of women in Haji Ali, the protests opposing the Government move to abolish triple Talaq. So far the maulanas from top were initiating the protests, with beard and skull cap dominating the marches and protests. The protests were by and large for protecting Sharia, Islam and were restricted to Muslim community participating.

This time around while Narendra Modi pronounced that ‘protesters can be identified by their clothes’, those who can be identified by their external appearance are greatly outnumbered by all those identified or not identified by their appearance.

The protests are not to save Islam or any other religion but to protect Indian Constitution. The slogans are structured around ‘Defence of democracy and Indian Constitution’. The theme slogans are not Allahu Akbar’ or Nara-E-Tadbeer’ but around preamble of Indian Constitution. The lead songs have come to be Faiz Ahmad Faiz’s ‘Hum Dekhenge’, a protest against Zia Ul Haq’s attempts to crush democracy in the name of religion. Another leading protest song is from Varun Grover, ‘Tanashah Aayenge…Hum Kagaz nahin Dikhayenge’, a call to civil disobedience against the CAA-NRC exercise and characterising the dictatorial nature of the current ruling regime.

While BJP was telling us that primary problem of Muslim women is Triple talaq, the Muslim women led movements has articulated that primary problem is the very threat to Muslim community. All other communities, cutting across religious lines, those below poverty line, those landless and shelter less people also see that if the citizenship of Muslims can be threatened because of lack of some papers, they will be not far behind in the victimization process being unleashed by this Government.

While CAA-NRC has acted as the precipitating factor, the policies of Modi regime, starting from failure to fulfil the tall promises of bringing back black money, the cruel impact of demonetisation, the rising process of commodities, the rising unemployment, the divisive policies of the ruling dispensation are the base on which these protest movements are standing. The spread of the protest movement, spontaneous but having similar message is remarkable. Shaheen Bagh is no more just a physical space; it’s a symbol of resistance against the divisive policies, against the policies which are increasing the sufferings of poor workers, the farmers and the average sections of society.

What is clear is that as identity issues, emotive issues like Ram Temple, Cow Beef, Love Jihad and Ghar Wapasi aimed to divide the society, Shaheen Bagh is uniting the society like never before. The democratisation process which faced erosion is getting a boost through people coming together around the Preamble of Indian Constitution, singing of Jan Gan Man, waving of tricolour and upholding the national icons like Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, Ambedkar and Maulana Azad. One can feel the sentiments which built India; one can see the courage of people to protect what India’s freedom movement and Indian Constitution gave them.

Surely the communal forces are spreading canards and falsehood against the protests. As such these protests which is a solid foundation of our democracy. The spontaneity of the movement is a strength which needs to be channelized to uphold Indian Constitution and democratic ethos of our beloved country.

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