Athira returns home as Ayisha after High Court upholds her right to follow Islam

Mangaluru, Jan 23: With the results of Joint Entrance Examination (JEE-Main) out, it is celebration time at CFAL (Centre for Advanced Learning), Mangalore’s top training institute as 12 of its students have secured above 99 percentile, out of 120 students who appeared at the prestigious national examination held in January this year. The students are: Kaustubh Rao (99.79), Ujwal Kumar (99.77), Dheeraj Kamath (99.74), Pramod Rao (99.68), Santhosh M (99.59), Mohan Nayak (99.49), Rihan D’silva (99.43), Rishan D’silva (99.41), Pranav Rao (99.41), Aamod BK (99.29), Anmol J Shetty (99.22) and Madhura Sabhahit (99.083).

Apart from the above students, 8 students have scored above 98 percentile, the details of the students are: D.K. Goutham (98.67), Tejah S.S. (98.49), Akash Shetty (98.4), Tejas Bhat K (98.34), Ninaad PS (98.31), Shreepoorna Rao (98.3), K. Annapoorna Prabhu (98.3) and Rakshith Sajjan (98.2). The results of many more students are awaited.

A total of 8,69,010 students had appeared in the said exam from across India. The students who have attempted the JEE Main exam in January can attempt the exams again in April to better their percentile. Students who clear JEE Main qualify for JEE Advanced and are eligible for seats at the NIT’s and other top institutions of the country.

JEE – The most challenging undergraduate admission test

Joint Entrance Examination (JEE) conducted this year by National Testing Agency (NTA) is a national level examination for students to qualify and pursue engineering degree at under graduate level. Paper 1 is held for BE/B.Tech admissions and Paper 2 for B. Arch/B. Planning. JEE Main is a critical criterion for admission in India’s most prestigious and elite universities like IITs and NIT’s.

Those students who clear JEE Main can take the JEE advanced – which is a pre-requisite requirement for admission in the Indian Institute of Technology and Indian School of Mines (Dhanbad)

CFAL – The first name in training

The training at CFAL consists of defined hours of classes, tests and mock exams, unique course material, experienced professors and hence is the first choice for students appearing for STEM examinations including JEE, NTSE, KYPY, OLYMPIADS etc.  The centre was established with the intention of giving students of Mangalore information, guidance and tools required to qualify the competitive exams. However, the main aim of CFAL is to inculcate passion for Math and Science learning among students and to encourage research and innovation in the subjects.

Mangaluru, Mar 31: With the Dakshina Kannada district administration relaxing the lockdown from 6 am to 3 pm to purchase essential commodities, panic-stricken citizens rushed to the shops early in the morning itself.

The citizens had formed a serpentine line in front of shops and supermarkets in different parts of Mangaluru and on the outskirts of the city to purchase their requirements.

As a precautionary measure, many were seen wearing masks.

“In spite of waiting in a long queue to purchase, we are not able to get the required essential commodities. Why can’t the district administration ensure enough stock of commodities in the shops and supermarkets,’’ asked a customer who had stood in a queue outside a supermarket at Chilimbi.
People were seen crowding outside markets at Kankanady, Mallikatte, Urwa and Central Market, violating the purpose of social distancing.

Consequently, vegetable prices have increased in the markets and shops. This is despite abundant stocks being available in these markets.

Trucks had unloaded the vegetables at Central Market on Sunday, according to sources. The prices of onions are skyrocketing yet again and is sold from Rs 50 to Rs 55 while a kg of carrot costs Rs 100.

"Why can’t the authorities check the rise in the price of vegetables and ensure that the poor are not inconvenienced," asks Lakshmi, a housewife.

Mar 3: Just hours after the ending of a week-long “reduction” in violence that was crucial for Donald Trump’s peace deal in Afghanistan, the Taliban struck again: On Monday, they killed three people and injured about a dozen at a football match in Khost province. This resumption of violence will not surprise anyone actually invested in peace for that troubled country. The point of the U.S.-Taliban deal was never peace. It was to try and cover up an ignominious exit for the U.S., driven by an election-bound president who feels no responsibility toward that country or to the broader region.

Seen from South Asia, every point we know about in the agreement is a concession by Trump to the Taliban. Most importantly, it completes a long-term effort by the U.S. to delegitimize the elected government in Kabul — and, by extension, Afghanistan’s constitution. Afghanistan’s president is already balking at releasing 5,000 Taliban prisoners before intra-Afghan talks can begin — a provision that his government did not approve.

One particularly cringe-worthy aspect: The agreement refers to the Taliban throughout  as “the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan that is not recognized by the United States as a state and is known as the Taliban.” This unwieldy nomenclature validates the Taliban’s claim to be a government equivalent to the one in Kabul, just not the one recognised at the moment by the U.S. When read together with the second part of the agreement, which binds the U.S. to not “intervene in [Afghanistan’s] domestic affairs,” the point is obvious: The Taliban is not interested in peace, but in ensuring that support for its rivals is forbidden, and its path to Kabul is cleared.

All that the U.S. has effectively gotten in return is the Taliban’s assurance that it will not allow the soil of Afghanistan to be used against the “U.S. and its allies.” True, the U.S. under Trump has shown a disturbing willingness to trust solemn assurances from autocrats; but its apparent belief in promises made by a murderous theocratic movement is even more ridiculous. Especially as the Taliban made much the same promise to an Assistant Secretary of State about Osama bin Laden while he was in the country plotting 9/11.

Nobody in the region is pleased with this agreement except for the Taliban and their backers in the Pakistani military. India has consistently held that the legitimate government in Kabul must be the basic anchor of any peace plan. Ordinary Afghans, unsurprisingly, long for peace — but they are, by all accounts, deeply skeptical about how this deal will get them there. The brave activists of the Afghan Women’s Network are worried that intra-Afghan talks will take place without adequate representation of the country’s women — who have, after all, the most to lose from a return to Taliban rule.

But the Pakistani military establishment is not hiding its glee. One retired general tweeted: “Big victory for Afghan Taliban as historic accord signed… Forced Americans to negotiate an accord from the position of parity. Setback for India.” Pakistan’s army, the Taliban’s biggest backer, longs to re-install a friendly Islamist regime in Kabul — and it has correctly estimated that, after being abandoned by Trump, the Afghan government will have sharply reduced bargaining power in any intra-Afghan peace talks. A deal with the Taliban that fails also to include its backers in the Pakistani military is meaningless.

India, meanwhile, will not see this deal as a positive for regional peace or its relationship with the U.S. It comes barely a week after Trump’s India visit, which made it painfully clear that shared strategic concerns are the only thing keeping the countries together. New Delhi remembers that India is not, on paper, a U.S. “ally.” In that respect, an intensification of terrorism targeting India, as happened the last time the U.S. withdrew from the region, would not even be a violation of Trump’s agreement. One possible outcome: Over time the government in New Delhi, which has resolutely sought to keep its ties with Kabul primarily political, may have to step up security cooperation. Nobody knows where that would lead.

The irresponsible concessions made by the U.S. in this agreement will likely disrupt South Asia for years to come, and endanger its own relationship with India going forward. But worst of all, this deal abandons those in Afghanistan who, under the shadow of war, tried to develop, for the first time, institutions that work for all Afghans. No amount of sanctimony about “ending America’s longest war” should obscure the danger and immorality of this sort of exit.