Baliga murder: Photographer Manujanth arrested for harbouring NaMo Naresh

[email protected] (CD Network)
May 30, 2016

Mangaluru, May 29: The Manglauru police have arrested another accused in connection with the cold blooded murder of an RTI activist, who had taken on a temple and builders. This is the fifth arrest in connection with the case.

1manjunathK Manujanth Shenoy, alias Manju Neereshwalya, (39) was arrested on Sunday on the charge of harbouring Naresh Shenoy, the prime accused in the same case. He is photographer by profession.

Naresh Shenoy, the founder of local unit of NaMo Brigade, has been absconding since the murder of 51-year-old RTI activist Vinayak Baliga.

In a press note, the police said that Manju Neereshwalya was in constant touch with Naresh Shenoy, whom the police wanted to question in connection with the murder.

The police said that Manju Neereshwalya was informing Naresh Shenoy of the developments in the case and helping him hide.

Vinayak Baliga was hacked to death near his house in Kodialbail on March 21. The police have arrested Vineet Poojary, Nishit Devadiga, Shiva, alias Shivaprasad, and Shailesh (40).

The police said that they are still looking for Naresh Shenoy.

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Mohammed SS
 - 
Monday, 30 May 2016

Jathi ge jathi page, nayi ge nayi page

Swapnil
 - 
Monday, 30 May 2016

NAMO NAMO NAMO NAMO NAMO.....Na.....Mone..............Brigade

What else can be expected in future............as coming into power with the help of Goondaaas and killers....how BJP can weep like crocodile.....every one knows what you are.........

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coastaldigest.com news network
July 31,2020

Mangaluru, Jul 31: Muslims across coastal districts of Dakshina Kannada, Udupi and Uttara Kannada today observed Eid al Adha following the safety guidelines issued by the government amidst covid-19 pandemic. 

While coastal Karnataka is celebrating the festival of sacrifice today, it will be observed in other parts of Karnataka and country tomorrow. 

Congregational Eid prayers were held in many mosques while ensuring physical distancing norms. Only 50 devotees were allowed in mosques. Children below 10 years of age and elders above 60 years of age weren’t allowed. 

Eidgahs in the region wore a deserted look as the government has temporarily prohibited prayers in the open grounds. The Eidgah at Lighthouse Hill in Mangaluru, which usually witnessed huge crowd during Eid celebrations, was also closed this time. 

As expected, the celebration this time was a low key thanks to the restrictions placed in tune with the threat of coronavirus infection.

Prayers were held in Kudroli’s Nadupalli and Bundar’s Zeenat Bakhsh Central mosque. All those who entered mosque were wearing masks. 

In Udupi city, Eid prayers were held at Jamia Masjid and other mosques with limited number of devotees. In Bhatkal took some of the mosques hosted Eid prayers with all precautionary measures.

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News Network
February 19,2020

Bengaluru, Feb 19: Congress MLA UT Khader on Wednesday slammed the Central government over the enactment of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and said it violates the Constitution.

"The new citizenship amendment bill is unconstitutional. The citizenship cannot be given on cast and creed basis. Because of these things we are fighting against it," he said while speaking to media in Bengaluru.

Opposition along with several non-BJP state governments, including Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Kerala, Punjab and Rajasthan have refused to implement the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the proposed NRC in their respective states.

The CAA grants citizenship to Hindu, Sikh, Jain, Parsi, Buddhist and Christian refugees from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh, who came to India on or before December 31, 2014.

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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