Bantwal violence: High Court stays FIR against 5 Hindutva leaders

Bengaluru, Apr 18: With 12 fresh cases of the COVID-19 infection, including one woman, the total number of novel coronavirus cases in Karnataka surged to 371 on Saturday.

The sources said that as many as three new positive cases were reported from Mysuru district, followed by two each from Kalaburagi, Bhagalkote, one each case from Vijayapura, Belagavi, Dharwad, Gadag and Mandya, districts on Saturday.

Bengaluru, Mar 6: The Karnataka Congress on Thursday termed the budget for fiscal 2020-21 presented by the B.S. Yediyurappa government as the "weakest ever state budget".

"This is the weakest budget ever that our state has had. There is no clear cut provision in the budget for industrial growth or to generate jobs. No clarity on department wise allocation," tweeted Congress.

Congress leader Dinesh Gundu Rao said he did not expect such a bad budget which has discriminated on agriculture and education sectors.

"The state budget does not mention major irrigation projects like Kaveri valley and Krishna. No farmers loan waiver," noted Rao.

The opposition party has criticised the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that the potential of Karnataka was not realized to generate revenue through this budget.

Assailing the additional tax on petrol and diesel, Congress said the development will lead to price rise and is a huge disappointment.

"People are reeling under high inflation and reduction in income. BJP has rubbed salt into injury by further increasing prices and providing no relief to common man," said the party.

Bhalki MLA and Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee working president Eshwar Bhimanna Khandre pointed out that the Centre gave the state only Rs 1,869 crore, despite a loss of Rs 35,160 crore in 2019.

Calling stamp duty reduction for housing within Rs 20 lakhs as an insult to people, Congress questioned the Chief Minister and BJP to first show where in Bengaluru does one get housing within Rs 20 lakh.

"This is mockery of people. No mention or allotment to universal housing programme that Congress government had delivered," claimed Congress.

Focusing on Karnataka capital Bengaluru, Congress slammed the BJP saying no proper revenue policy has been mooted.

"Last mile connectivity issue not addressed. Drinking water issue is not mentioned. No mention of peripheral ring road. No mention of Akrama-Sakrama and no thought process has gone in while planning Bengaluru," tweeted the party.

The party said Yediyurappa has admitted that there is a financial crisis in his budget speech.

"He admits Rs 8,883 crore aid has been cut, around Rs 11,000 crore state share from Centre has been cut. No additional allocation for flood relief. What is stopping him and 25 members of Parliament to question the centre," observed Congress.

Former chief minister Siddaramaiah mocked Yediyurappa that though he calls himself a farmer''s son, he delivered an anti-farmer budget.

"No one will benefit from this budget. A complete failure to boost the economy, to realize inclusive development and to improve standard of living," he tweeted.

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.