Battleground Karnataka: Modi in Mangaluru, Bengaluru on Apr 14; Rahul in Kolar, Mandya

Agencies
April 12, 2019

Bengaluru, Apr 12: Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Congress President Rahul Gandhi will campaign in Karnataka on Saturday for their candidates contesting in the Lok Sabha elections.

"Modi will return to Karnataka to address BJP rallies in Mangaluru and Bengaluru," Bharatiya Janata Party spokesman S. Shanataram said.

Gandhi will address three rallies in Kolar, Chitradurga and K.R. Nagar in the Mandya parliamentary constituency.

"He will campaign for our candidates at Kolar and Chitradurga and for our Janata Dal-Secular (JD-S) ally candidate Nikhil Kumaraswamy in the Mandya seat," Congress official Prakash Rathod said.

Modi addressed two rallies at Chitradurga and Mysuru on Wednesday.

Of the 28 seats across the state, 14 in the central and southern regions will vote on April 18 and the remaining 14 in the coastal and northern regions on April 23. Vote count in all the seats is on May 23.

Of the seven rallies the BJP has scheduled for Modi, the last two will be at Belagavi and Chikkodi. The BJP is contesting in 27 parliamentary seats and supporting multi-lingual south India actor Sumalatha Ambareesh, an Independent, from Mandya against Nikhil Gowda of the JD-S.

The Congress and JD-S have fielded joint candidates in all the 28 seats in the ratio of 21:7 under a seat-sharing arrangement.

As Modi's two rallies in the state coincide with the first phase of polling on April 18, BJP's rivals protested that his address at the twin rallies if held during the day may influence the electorate voting in 14 seats across the central and southern regions.

Gandhi has already campaigned for the party in the state twice on March 31 at Kalaburagi and Bengaluru on March 18. He also addressed a party meeting at Haveri on March 9.

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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coastaldigest.com web desk
July 15,2020

Bengaluru, July 15: The family members of a 67-year-old man, who had developed some symptoms of Covid-19, was in for a rude shock when a “reputed” private hospital in Bengaluru’s Whitefield quoted estimated bill of Rs 9.09 lakh for 10 days.

The elderly man was rushed to Columbia Asia Hospital even before receiving his covid-19 test report. But after a look at the estimated bill, the family chose not to admit him there.

The break-up of the estimated bill included Rs 1.40 lakh for ventilator, Rs 3 lakh for medicines, medical supplies and consumables, Rs 2 lakh for laboratory investigations, Rs 75,000 for room rent, Rs 75,000 towards professional fee, Rs 58,500 for nursing charges, Rs 35,000 for radiology investigations and physiotherapy, and Rs 25,000 for equipment and surgical items.

The hospital authorities reportedly told the family members that the actual bill could be higher in the event of complications, unanticipated extension of stay and comorbidities.

“He was tested on Sunday and we were waiting for the result. On Monday, he started gasping for breath. Columbia Asia Hospital told us they had an ICU bed and we rushed him to the emergency care. When they showed us the estimate, we were shocked,” said Abdul Bashir, a nephew of the patient.

“We then contacted Dr Taha Mateen of HBS Hospital through an NGO ‘Mercy Mission’. We got him admitted there for just Rs 25,000,” he said adding that Hospitals should not take advantage when emotions are running high. 

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News Network
March 1,2020

Mangaluru, Mar 1: Noted Konkani writer and theater personality Richard John Pais died on Sunday after a brief illness, family sources said.

He was 51. He is survived by wife and two children.

Known in literary circles as ‘RJP’, his short stories, satirical writings, and poems were very popular.

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