Bhima Koregaon: Dalits in Search of Icons from History

Ram Puniyani
January 8, 2018

Maharashtra witnessed unprecedented violence against the dalits who had congregated to pay tributes to the dalits soldiers (1st January 2018), who were part of the British army which had fought against Peshwas in 1818. Babasaheb had visited this place in 1927 to pay the homage to martyrs. The annual event of dalits paying homage at Bhima Koregaon has become a sort of symbol of dalit assertion. This year the event was organized at a bigger scale as it was 200th year of the battle. The provocation was due to the desecration of the Samadhi of a dalit, Govind Gaikawad, who is believed to have performed the last rites of Sambhaji.  Later stones were pelted by saffron flag bearers on dalits who had come to pay homage in Bhima Koregaon. HIndutva organizations Shivaji Pratishthan and Samasta Hindu Aghadi, (All Hindu Front), were at the forefront of these incidents.

At the same time Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani, in a rally at Shanwarwada (Pune) which was headquarter of Peshwa rule, gave a call to fight against modern Peshwai, the politics of BJP-RSS. He was speaking at the conference which was an inclusive platform of dalits and other leaders. There are varied responses to this incident. While some people are trying to portray it as Maratha versus dalits it as such is the attack of Hindutva forces on Dalits. Rahul Gandhi in a tweet blamed BJP’s fascist, anti dalit attitude for the whole episode.

The reality of the Bhima Koregaon battle breaks number of myths prevalent today. It was a battle of British to expand their empire and it was the attempt of Peshwas to protect their kingdom. As British were expanding their empire, they had recruited large number of dalits in their army. These were Mahars from Maharashtra; Parayas from Tamilnadu and and Namshudras from Bengal, to name the few. These sections were recruited for their loyalty and easy availability. The Peshwa army had Arab mercenary soldiers and Gossains among others. This quashes the myth of Hindu versus Muslim battles, as similarly Ibrahim Khan Gardi was also part of Shivaji’s army and Arab soldiers were part of Bajirao’s army. Unfortunately today we are trying to see the events of past through communal prism and are ignoring the aspect of kingdoms which were primarily motivated by power and wealth.

Later, British stopped recruiting dalits/Mahars in their army as they found that the upper caste soldiers in the lower ranks were not saluting and taking orders from the dalit superiors. Ambedkar’s effort was to see that the recruitment of dalits in the army is restored and that’s how he suggested that Mahar regiment should be formed to overcome this problem. His taking up the cause of Mahar soldiers was part of his efforts to create a space for dalits in the social architecture of society.

Was the Bhima Koregaon battle to overthrow Peshwai by dalits at that time? It is true that Peshwa rule was most Brahminic in its policies. The shudras were made to tie a pot around their neck so that the air is not polluted by them and they were also making them tie a broom around their waist to purify the earth on which they walk. This is the extreme expression of the rigidity caste atrocities. Did British fight against Bajirao to eradicate the Brahmanical rigidities? No way. They were merrily expanding their zone of influence for trade and plunder purpose. Similarly Mahar soldiers were fighting for British with a sense of loyalty to their employer. The social reforms picked up a bit later due to the impact of modern education, which was introduced to train the subordinates for manning the administration of the Empire. The social reform comes up as an unintended byproduct of British policy of plunder so to say. The impact of their policies on social structures was not the goal of British so to say. As such consciousness of caste exploitation during the period of Kingdoms was not there in the present form. The awareness of caste exploitation takes shape later as expressed by Jotirao Phule.

To think that Peshwas were fighting for Nationalism and dalits were supporting colonial powers by being part of British army is again baseless. The very concept of Nationalism comes up during colonial rule. The nationalism which comes up with social-economic changes accompanying British rule is of two varieties. One, Indian nationalism which is the expression of the aspirations of the rising classes of industrialists, businessmen, educated sections of society, workers and downtrodden sections of society. Two, nationalism in the name of religion: Muslim Nationalism and Hindu Nationalism. This latter was brought forward by landlords and kings of the princely states who felt threatened by the social changes towards democratic norms and wanted to retain their hegemony in the name of religion.

The dissatisfaction of dalits today during last few years is rising due to the policies of current government in which events like the institutional murder of Rohith Vemula took place, during which the brutal flogging of dalits took place in Una. The overall policies of present Government is marginalizing the dalits through its policies, be it be in the area of economy, education and throwing up of the issues of beef or Babri Masjid. Massive turn out of dalits in Koregaon shows that they are deeply dissatisfied with the goings on in the society. The new dalit groups are trying to build their movement by making alliances with other oppressed sections of society. The solidarity expressed by religious minorities, workers and other social groups to the issues of dalits in case of Bhima Koregaon is remarkable.  At the same it seems dalits in particular are deriving inspiration from icons from the past. The events of recent past are showing that dalits are determined to get their place under the democratic sky. At the same time attack on them by the Hindu right wing groups is a reaction which aims to undermine their aspirations.

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Ram Puniyani
February 13,2020

Forthcoming Census and RSS campaign

Currently massive protests are going on against NPR, NCR and CAA. At the same time we are going to begin the process of decadal census in 2021. Already RSS is active in promoting NPR, NCR and CAA. At the same time RSS wants that Adivasis should register themselves as Hindus rather than ticking the column of ‘Others’. As per their spokesperson in the 2011 census many Adivasis groups ticked that column because of which the population of Hindus came down to by 0.7 percent point to come down to 79.8 %. This has sent signals to this Hindu nationalist organization and is planning to ensures that Adivasis tick the column of Hindus in this census.

As such RSS has a very clever attitude in defining the term Hindu. The first formulation was by Savakakar who said that all those who regard the land east of Indus as their Holy land and Father land are Hindus. This left out Muslims and Christians, and brought all others in the ambit of Hindu fold. From the decade of 1980s due to electoral compulsions they have been trying to articulate that all those who are living in India are Hindus. Murli Manohar Joshi stated that Muslims are Ahmadiya Hindus and Christians are Christi Hindus. Recently there was a controversy when they restated that Sikhs are not a separate religion but are a sect of Hinduism. Many Sikh organizations stood up to say that Sikhism is a religion by itself and recalled the book of Kahan Singh Nabha, “Hum Hindu Nahin”

As far as Adivasis are concerned in contrast to what is being planned by Hindu nationalist RSS, many Adivasis groups have been meeting from last couple of years to demand just the contrary. As per them there should be a column where they can tick their identity of Adivasis.  There are active campaigns among Adivasis groups to uphold their Adivasi identity in Census. As per them in the first census which was conducted in Independent India, the column, Aborigines, was there, which was later removed forcing them to club themselves with other religions.

After 1951 in addition to Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Christian, Jain and Buddha, the column ‘others’ was also there which was removed in 2011. Even during British period if you look at the censuses of the British era (from 1871 to 1931); there was provision for tribes to choose Aborigine as an option. There are nearly 83 religious practices being followed by Adivasis. Few major of these are Sarna, Gondi, Punem, Adi, and Koya. What they share in common is that they are animists, worship nature and spirit of ancestors; do not have priestly class or Holy Scriptures and Gods and Goddesses characteristic of the broad Hindu pantheon.

RSS as per its political agenda of Hindu Nation regards them as Vanvasi. They pontificate that they have been part of Hindu society who were driven away to forests to escape the forcible conversion being done by the Muslim invaders. This concoction is contrary to the interpretations based on the studies from population genetics. The Hindu nationalist argues that Aryans have been the original inhabitants of the country from where they spread to other parts of the World. The book by Tony Joseph, ‘Early Indians’ tells us that away from the race theory, we are all mixed up. The first inhabitants in our land were the ones who emigrated from South Asia over Sixty thousand years ago.

The Indo-Aryans came here nearly three thousand years ago and they pushed the aborigines to the forests and hills and that’s what constitutes the Adivasi community of India.

Hindu Nationalists like all the nationalists who construct their nationalism around their religion claim to be the most original inhabitants of the land, and their interpretations of past are molded according to that. RSS right from beginning has not been using the word Adivasi, it calls them Vanvasi. As per its agenda it wants them to be part of Hindu fold, despite Adivasis themselves saying that they are not Hindus, they have beliefs and practices which are far away from Hinduism in whatever form.

To enhance its political reach from the decades of 1980s in particular its work in Adivasis areas has been intensified. While ‘Vanvasis Kalyan Ashram’, part of RSS Combine which was formed much earlier, it was in the decades of 1980s that their work was jacked up by sending more Pracharaks in Adivasi areas. We see that in Gujarat, Dangs and nearby area, Swami Aseemanand, in MP, centered around Jhabua-the followers of Asaram Bapu and in Orissa Swami Laxmananad stationed them. They saw Christian missionaries working in the field of education and health as an obstacle to Hinduization of Adivasis. Their propaganda against Christian missionaries led to the ghastly murder of Pastor Graham Stains. It was this propaganda which led to anti Christian violence in various forms, the most horrific being the Kandhamal violence of 2008.

In order to culturally co-opt them into the fold of Hinduism they began series of religious congregations, Kumbhs. Shabri Kumbh in Dangs and many other Adivasis predominant areas created an atmosphere of fear, Adivasis were asked to be part of it, saffron flags were distributed and they were made to put it in their houses. Two religious icons were popularized in these areas, one was Shabri and other was Hanuman. To cap it all, Ekal Vidyalayas, started spreading RSS’s interpretation of history in these areas. The other angle of the whole thing is that Adivasis are living in the areas rich in minerals, which the BJP supporter Corporate World wants to take over.

World over aborigines have similar pattern. They are animists and what they practice is a culture as such. Many have converted to other religions out of their choice for sure, but finally in these matters what is important is the self perception. Hemant Soren the Chief Minister of Jharkhand pointed out that “Adivasis are not Hindus. ”Keeping that in mind; the column of Aborigines needs to find its place in our census forms.

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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