The birth of ‘Bearywood’

[email protected] (SAFIA NAEEM)
June 14, 2011

With the first ever Beary language movie - ‘Byari’, Director Suveeran, has employed his own techniques to butter popcorn with the landmark movie, which opened simultaneously in Prabhat and Big Cinema in Mangalore.

 

In Suveeran’s own words: “Althaf Hussain, who is producing the film under the banner of Thanneer Films, needs real appreciation for venturing into Beary film-dom,” even though he took up the task, after the Tulu cinema traversed several milestones.

 

Mr Hussain, who is confident that the movie would surely win accolades at national level, says that ‘Byari’ has already received overwhelming appreciation from the audience as well as from the cine-experts when it was screened at International Film Festival of Thrissur (IFFT) and Habitat Film Festival in New Delhi.

 

Moreover, the involvement of renowned actors of South India such as Mamu Koya of Mollywood and ‘My Autograph’ famed Maillika of Kollywood, has naturally raised the eyebrows of the Beary cine-lovers.

 

However, the birth of what could be termed as ‘Bearywood’, is not free from the labour pain, as the controversies remained inseparable from the much vaunted movie, even before it could become a milestone in the robust and rich Beary cultural history.

 

But the filmmakers appeared to be the firm believers in the maxim no publicity is bad publicity.

 

The controversy is all about the central plot of the movie, which, according to renowned Kannada litterateur Sara Aboobaker, is a rip off from her most popular but controversial novel ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’.

 

“The same people, who attacked me when I wrote the novel nearly 27 years ago, now stole the story from the same novel to produce a cinema for their own benefit,” fumes Sara. “No other word can be suitable for these people than ‘thieves’. Yes, they are thieves. But they cannot go ahead doing whatever they want, as I have already launched a legal battle against them” the 75-year-old writer thunders.

 

However, Irfan Chokkabettu, the script writer of the film, denies Sara Aboobakar’s claims. He says the entire story of the film is based on a real-life story of a woman who still resides at Chokkabettu near Surathkal. “I was a witness for what happened in that woman’s life during 1998, when the coastal region was rocked by communal riots. The woman is still happily living with her husband and two children in Chokkabettu” he says.

 

“I was familiar with the name Sara Aboobakar. But, I never knew that Sara Aboobakar is a female and she has written a novel called ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’,” says Irfan, adding that he came to know the story of her novel only after the shooting of the film had been commenced.

 

The film Byari has a strong message for those who seek divorce on flimsy gounds. If veteran actor Mamu Koya, who is a prominent character in the film, was right, the concepts like Talaq and Iddath are at the centre stage of this film too.

 

Mr Koya also stunned his own team by claiming in a television interview that the story was indeed based on Chandragiriya Theeradalli.

 

The story revolves around Nadira, a young girl whose marriage was fixed with an elderly male as soon as she reached puberty. After initial period of anxiety and apprehension, she settles down with her husband who is thrice her age.

 

In a sudden turn of events, Nadira’s father, for his personal gains, forces her to break her relationship with her husband and brought back to her parental house.

 

It is in this backdrop, ‘Byari’ movie revolves around the sufferings of Nadira and finally the film has a happy ending as she once again unites with her husband.

 

Even though Nadira, is a familiar character for those who have read ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’, Mr Irfan questions how could Islamic systems such as ‘Talaq and Iddath’ and a popular name of a girl be a copyright issue for a writer like Sara Aboobaker?

 

Clarifying that the storyline of ‘Byari’ is not against the Holy Qur’an and Shariath law, Mr Irfan says, “We have only picturised the sufferings of a woman who got ‘Talaq’ due to her father’s whims and fancies. The film contains a warning for those who misuse Talaq or Iddath system, unlike Sara Aboobaker’s book that portrays Muslim women as being shackled by religious norms.”

 

The one hour 40 minute-long movie has only one song and has been shot at different localities in and around Mangalore namely Jokatte, Surathkal, Mukka, Bajpe and Thokkottu.

 

Mr Hussain, who claims that he has invested no less than Rs 55 lakh for ‘Byari’, says that the movie, uses a lot of techniques in the scenes now and then to get the message across.

 

The award-winning artistes have also contributed to the quality of the movie with their brilliant acting, he adds.

 

 

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Crew

 

Apart from Mamu Koya and Mallika most of the actors in the movie are local Beary amateur artistes. Producer Hussain himself has stood before camera mingling with fellow actors like Rahim Uchil, Ambika Mohan, Majeed, Riyaz Ashraf, Ashwathi, Prajeesh, Sudarshan, KTS Padanna, Shareef Katipalla, Roopa Varkadi, Asha, Altaf Krishnapura, Samshuddin Paradise, Baby Shatha and Shazin, Asfiya, Annath, Bathisha Puttur and Kabir Katipalla and others. Murali Krishnan is the camera-man.

 

Litterateur’s stance

 

Sara Aboobaker, who has won the highest literary award in the state namely Nadoja, claims that she has gathered sufficient proof to establish that the whole story of the film is based on her novel ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’.

 

“The copyright of the novel will exclusively be with the National Film Development Corporation (NFDC) until 2015 and nobody can reproduce it until then,” says Sara, accusing the ‘Byari’ team of using her name and fame for their publicity.

 

“I am aware that during the screening of ‘Byari’ in the International Film Festival of Thrissur (IFFT) in March this year, the crew had announced to the media that the film was based on the storyline of my celebrated novel,” she says.

 

“I have produced the documents of the actor Mamu Koya’s claim, which was aired in a local TV channel, as well as my novel, before the court. I am confident that I would win the battle,” she says.

 

The matter is in lower court and will be moved to district court if needed before releasing the movie in Mangalore, says litterateur.

 

Unforgettable experience

 

Mallika who played the role of Nadira, says that she cannot forget her experience during the shooting of ‘Byari’.

 

“I was so excited when I was approached for ‘Byari’, knowing that it was the first Beary movie. I am so happy that I too have become a part of a history through the first ever film of a regional language”, she says adding that the experience while shooting the movie was unforgettable.

 

“There is a scene where I fight with my father over my marital life. The scene has come so naturally and I always cherish the moments throughout my life”

 

Mamu Koya loves Beary!

 

The national award winning Malayalam comedian Mamu Koya, who has played the role of Nadira’s (Mallika’s) father in ‘Byari’ says that he cultivated love for Beary during the shooting.

 

“I enjoyed the shooting and loved Beary language too”, says Koya, who has already acted in more than 500 Malayalam films.

 

He says “Though my role in ‘Byari’ is quite opposite to that of ‘Perumazhakalam’, where an aging father who was helpless in his daughter’s fight against the odds to save her husband’s life, it gave me opportunities to emote as in ‘Perumazhakalam’”

 

Recalling that ‘Perumazhakalam’ had bagged National Film Award for Best Film in 2005, he says, that you cannot expect awards all the time.

 

However, Mr Koya never forgets to add that the Mangaloreans are so progressive and cooperative. “Yes, I would love to act in Beary language, which is similar to Malayalam, and would not miss opportunities in future also.”

 

Interview

 

Suveeran, an award-winning playwright and director of plays and short films, has made his debut in feature film direction with the very first film of Beary language- ‘Byari’. A product of the School of Drama, Thrissur, and the National School of Drama, New Delhi, the Kerala based director’s first love remains theatre though.

 

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Q: Being a Malayalam director, why did you experiment your first feature film in Beary language?

A: It is just technical. I have already directed almost five short films in Malayalam. When ‘Byari’ project came to me, I initially denied to do it because it was nothing related to me at all and I am basically from theatre. However, my producer, who is a sensible gentleman, gave the script and asked me to rethink on it.

 

Q: How did you feel the transition from theatre to film?

A: Film is just a mechanical production, and it can exist even after my life while drama, which has a life, is a live performance. And, of course like every drama-cum-film director, I too prefer working in drama than film. But I know it is difficult to get an audience to communicate my ideas through the medium of theatre.

 

Q: Would you like to work in Beary language again?

A: I will certainly work if a project like ‘Byari’ comes up again, but so far there is no other project in Beary language.

 

Q: ‘Byari’ bagged appreciation in Film festivals in Thrissur and New Delhi. To whom should the credit go?

A: To everyone who worked for it. The whole team has given 100 per cent for ‘Byari’

 

Que: How does the film appeal the audience in terms of cinematic aesthetics?

Ans: ‘Byari’ is an art movie. An art is just a self-expression. I don’t care about the reaction of the audience, as they are independent. Whether ‘Byari’ appeals you or not is dependent of how you see the life or the world or any other thing.

 

 

 

 

 

Comments

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 - 
Sunday, 4 Jun 2017

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Ram Puniyani
February 22,2020

This January 2020, it is thirty years since the Kashmiri Pundits’ exodus from the Kashmir valley took place. They had suffered grave injustices, violence and humiliation prior to the migration away from the place of their social and cultural roots in Kashmir Valley. The phenomenon of this exodus had been due to the communalization of militancy in Kashmir in the decade of 1980s. While no ruling Government has applied itself enough to ‘solve’ this uprooting of pundits from their roots, there are communal elements who have been aggressively using ‘what about Kashmiri Pundits?’, every time liberal, human rights defenders talk about the plight of Muslim minority in India. This minority is now facing an overall erosion of their citizenship rights.

Time and over again in the aftermath of communal violence in particular, the human rights groups have been trying to put forward the demands for justice and rehabilitation of the victim minority. Instead of being listened to those particularly from Hindu nationalist combine, as a matter of routine shout back, where were you when Kashmiri Pundits were driven away from the Valley? In a way the tragedy being heaped on one minority is being justified in the name of suffering of Pundits and in the process violence is being normalized. This sounds as if two wrongs make a right, as if the suffering Muslim minority or those who are trying to talk in defense of minority rights have been responsible for the pain of Kashmiri Pundits.

During these three, many political formations have come to power, including BJP, Congress, third front and what have you. To begin with when the exodus took place Kashmir was under President’s rule and V. P. Singh Government was in power at the center. This Government had the external support of BJP at that time. Later BJP led NDA came to power for close to six years from 1998, under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Then from 2014 it is BJP, with Narerda Modi as PM, with BJP brute majority is in power. Other components of NDA are there to enjoy some spoils of power without any say in the policies being pursued by the Government. Modi is having absolute power with Amit Shah occasionally presenting Modi’s viewpoints.

Those blurting, ‘what about Kashmiri Pundits?’ are using it as a mere rhetoric to hide their communal color. The matters of Kashmir are very disturbing and cannot be attributed to be the making of Indian Muslims as it is being projected in an overt and subtle manner. Today, of course the steps taken by the Modi Government, that of abrogation of Article 370, abolition of clause 35 A, downgrading the status of Kashmir from a state to union territory have created a situation where the return of Kashmiri Pundits may have become more difficult, as the local atmosphere is more stifling and the leaders with democratic potential have been slapped with Public Safety Act, where they can be interned for long time without any answerability to the Courts. The internet had been suspended, communication being stifled in an atmosphere where democratic freedoms are curtailed which makes solution of any problem more difficult.

Kashmir has been a vexed issue where the suppression of the clause of autonomy, leading to alienation led to rise of militancy. This was duly supported by Pakistan. The entry of Al Qaeda elements, who having played their role against Russian army in 1980s entered into Kashmir and communalized the situation in Kashmir. The initial Kashmir militancy was on the grounds of Kashmiriyat. Kashmiriyat is not Islam, it is synthesis of teachings of Buddha, values of Vedant and preaching’s of Sufi Islam. The tormenting of Kashmiri Pundits begins with these elements entering Kashmir.

Also the pundits, who have been the integral part of Kashmir Valley, were urged upon by Goodwill mission to stay on, with local Muslims promising to counter the anti Pundit atmosphere. Jagmohan, the Governor, who later became a minister in NDA Government, instead of providing security to the Pundits thought, is fit to provide facilities for their mass migration. He could have intensified counter militancy and protected the vulnerable Pundit community. Why this was not done?

Today, ‘What about Kashmiri Pundits?’ needs to be given a serious thought away from the blame game or using it as a hammer to beat the ‘Muslims of India’ or human rights defenders? The previous NDA regime (2014) had thought of setting up enclosures of Pundits in the Valley. Is that a solution? Solution lies in giving justice to them. There is a need for judicial commission to identify the culprits and legal measures to reassure the Pundit community. Will they like to return if the high handed stifling atmosphere, with large number of military being present in the area? The cultural and religious spaces of Pundits need to be revived and Kashmiryat has to be made the base of any reconciliation process.

Surely, the Al Qaeda type elements do not represent the alienation of local Kashmiris, who need to be drawn into the process of dialogue for a peaceful Kashmir, which is the best guarantee for progress in this ex-state, now a Union territory. Communal amity, the hallmark of Kashmir cannot be brought in by changing the demographic composition by settling outsiders in the Valley. A true introspection is needed for this troubled area. Democracy is the only path for solving the emigration of Pundits and also of large numbers of Muslims, who also had to leave the valley due to the intimidating militancy and presence of armed forces in large numbers. One recalls Times of India report of 5th February 1992 which states that militants killed 1585 people from January 1990 to October 1992 out of which 982 were Muslims and 218 Hindus.

We have been taking a path where democratic norms are being stifled, and the promises of autonomy which were part of treaty of accession being ignored. Can it solve the problem of Pundits?

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Ram Puniyani
February 4,2020

As democracy is seeping in slowly all over the world, there is an organization which is monitoring the degree of democracy in the individual countries, The Economist Intelligence Unit. As such in each country there are diverse factors which on one hand work to deepen it, while others weaken it. Overall there is a march from theoretical democracy to substantive one. The substantive democracy will herald not just the formal equality, freedom and community feeling in the country but will be founded on the substantive quality of these values. In India while the introduction of modern education, transport, communication laid the backdrop of beginning of the process, the direction towards deepening of the process begins with Mahatma Gandhi when he led the non-cooperation movement in 1920, in which average people participated. The movement of freedom for India went on to become the ‘greatest ever mass movement’ in the World.

The approval and standards for democracy were enshrined in Indian Constitution, which begins ‘We the people of India’, and was adopted on 26th January 1950. With this Constitution and the policies adopted by Nehru the process of democratization started seeping further, the dreaded Emergency in 1975, which was lifted later restored democratic freedoms in some degree. This process of democratisation is facing an opposition since the decade of 1990s after the launch of Ram Temple agitation, and has seen the further erosion with BJP led Government coming to power in 2014. The state has been proactively attacking civil liberties, pluralism and participative political culture with democracy becoming flawed in a serious way. And this is what got reflected in the slipping of India by ten places, to 51st, in 2019. On the index of democracy India slipped down from the score of 7.23 to 6.90. The impact of sectarian BJP politics is writ on the state of the nation, country.

Ironically this lowering of score has come at a time when the popular protests, the deepening of democracy has been given a boost and is picking up with the Shaheen Bagh protests. The protest which began in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi in the backdrop of this Government getting the Citizenship amendment Bill getting converted into an act and mercilessly attacking the students of Jamia Milia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University along with high handed approach in Jamia Nagar and neighbouring areas.  From 15th December 2019, the laudable protest is on.

It is interesting to note that the lead in this protest has been taken by the Muslim women, from the Burqa-Hijab clad to ‘not looking Muslim’ women and was joined by students and youth from all the communities, and later by the people from all the communities. Interestingly this time around this Muslim women initiated protest has contrast from all the protests which earlier had begun by Muslims. The protests opposing Shah Bano Judgment, the protests opposing entry of women in Haji Ali, the protests opposing the Government move to abolish triple Talaq. So far the maulanas from top were initiating the protests, with beard and skull cap dominating the marches and protests. The protests were by and large for protecting Sharia, Islam and were restricted to Muslim community participating.

This time around while Narendra Modi pronounced that ‘protesters can be identified by their clothes’, those who can be identified by their external appearance are greatly outnumbered by all those identified or not identified by their appearance.

The protests are not to save Islam or any other religion but to protect Indian Constitution. The slogans are structured around ‘Defence of democracy and Indian Constitution’. The theme slogans are not Allahu Akbar’ or Nara-E-Tadbeer’ but around preamble of Indian Constitution. The lead songs have come to be Faiz Ahmad Faiz’s ‘Hum Dekhenge’, a protest against Zia Ul Haq’s attempts to crush democracy in the name of religion. Another leading protest song is from Varun Grover, ‘Tanashah Aayenge…Hum Kagaz nahin Dikhayenge’, a call to civil disobedience against the CAA-NRC exercise and characterising the dictatorial nature of the current ruling regime.

While BJP was telling us that primary problem of Muslim women is Triple talaq, the Muslim women led movements has articulated that primary problem is the very threat to Muslim community. All other communities, cutting across religious lines, those below poverty line, those landless and shelter less people also see that if the citizenship of Muslims can be threatened because of lack of some papers, they will be not far behind in the victimization process being unleashed by this Government.

While CAA-NRC has acted as the precipitating factor, the policies of Modi regime, starting from failure to fulfil the tall promises of bringing back black money, the cruel impact of demonetisation, the rising process of commodities, the rising unemployment, the divisive policies of the ruling dispensation are the base on which these protest movements are standing. The spread of the protest movement, spontaneous but having similar message is remarkable. Shaheen Bagh is no more just a physical space; it’s a symbol of resistance against the divisive policies, against the policies which are increasing the sufferings of poor workers, the farmers and the average sections of society.

What is clear is that as identity issues, emotive issues like Ram Temple, Cow Beef, Love Jihad and Ghar Wapasi aimed to divide the society, Shaheen Bagh is uniting the society like never before. The democratisation process which faced erosion is getting a boost through people coming together around the Preamble of Indian Constitution, singing of Jan Gan Man, waving of tricolour and upholding the national icons like Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, Ambedkar and Maulana Azad. One can feel the sentiments which built India; one can see the courage of people to protect what India’s freedom movement and Indian Constitution gave them.

Surely the communal forces are spreading canards and falsehood against the protests. As such these protests which is a solid foundation of our democracy. The spontaneity of the movement is a strength which needs to be channelized to uphold Indian Constitution and democratic ethos of our beloved country.

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Ram Puniyani
March 14,2020

In the wake of Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) UN High Commissioner, Michele Bachelet, has filed an intervention in the Supreme Court petition challenging the constitutionality of the Citizenship Amendment Act, as she is critical of CAA. Responding to her, India’s Foreign Minister S. Jai Shanker strongly rebutted her criticism, saying that the body (UNHCR) has been wrong and is blind to the problem of cross border terrorism. The issue on hand is the possibility of scores of people, mainly Muslims, being declared as stateless. The problem at hand is the massive exercise of going through the responses/documents from over 120 crore of Indian population and screening documents, which as seen in Assam, yield result which are far from truthful or necessary.

The issue of CAA has been extensively debated and despite heavy critique of the same by large number of groups and despite the biggest mass opposition ever to any move in Independent India, the Government is determined on going ahead with an exercise which is reminiscent of the dreaded regimes which are sectarian and heartless to its citizens, which have indulged in extinction of large mass of people on grounds of citizenship, race etc. The Foreign minister’s assertion is that it is a matter internal to India, where India’s sovereignty is all that matters! As far as sovereignty is concerned we should be clear that in current times any sovereign power has to consider the need to uphold the citizenship as per the principle of non-discrimination which is stipulated in Art.26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political (ICCPR) rights.

Can such policies, which affect large number of people and are likely to affect their citizenship be purely regarded as ‘internal’? With the World turning into a global village, some global norms have been formulated during last few decades. The norms relate to Human rights and migrations have been codified. India is also signatory to many such covenants in including ICCPR, which deals with the norms for dealing with refugees from other countries. One is not talking of Chicago speech of Swami Vivekanand, which said that India’s greatness has been in giving shelter to people from different parts of the World; one is also not talking of the Tattariaya Upanishad’s ‘Atithi Devovhav’ or ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbkam’ from Mahaupanishad today.

What are being talked about are the values and opinions of organizations which want to ensure to preserve of Human rights of all people Worldwide. In this matter India is calling United Nations body as ‘foreign party’; having no locus standi in the case as it pertains to India’s sovereignty. The truth is that since various countries are signatories to UN covenants, UN bodies have been monitoring the moves of different states and intervening at legal level as Amicus (Friend of the Court) to the courts in different countries and different global bodies. Just to mention some of these, UN and High Commissioner for Human Rights has often submitted amicus briefs in different judicial platforms. Some examples are their intervention in US Supreme Court, European Court of Human Rights, International Criminal Court, and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. These are meant to help the Courts in areas where UN bodies have expertise.

 Expertise on this has been jointly formulated by various nations. These interventions also remind the nations as to what global norms have been evolved and what are the obligations of individual states to the values which have evolved over a period of time. Arvind Narrain draws our attention to the fact that, “commission has intervened in the European Court of Human Rights in cases involving Spain and Italy to underscore the principle of non-refoulement, which bars compulsory expulsion of illegal migrants… Similarly, the UN has intervened in the International Criminal Court in a case against the Central African Republic to explicate on the international jurisprudence on rape as a war crime.”

From time to time organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have been monitoring the status of Human rights of different countries. This puts those countries in uncomfortable situation and is not welcome by those establishments. How should this contradiction between ‘internal matter’, ‘sovereignty’ and the norms for Human rights be resolved? This is a tough question at the time when the freedom indices and democratic ethos are sliding downwards all over the world. In India too has slid down on the scale of these norms.

In India we can look at the intervention of UN body from the angle of equality and non discrimination. Democratic spirit should encourage us to have a rethink on the matters which have been decided by the state. In the face of the greatest mass movement of Shaheen bagh, the state does need to look inwards and give a thought to international morality, the spirit of global family to state the least.

The popular perception is that when Christians were being persecuted in Kandhmal the global Christian community’s voice was not strong enough. Currently in the face of Delhi carnage many a Muslim majority countries have spoken. While Mr. Modi claims that his good relations with Muslim countries are a matter of heartburn to the parties like Congress, he needs to relook at his self gloating. Currently Iran, Malaysia, Indonesia and many Muslim majority countries have spoken against what Modi regime is unleashing in India. Bangladesh, our neighbor, has also seen various protests against the plight of Muslims in India. More than the ‘internal matter’ etc. what needs to be thought out is the moral aspect of the whole issue. We pride ourselves in treading the path of morality. What does that say in present context when while large section of local media is servile to the state, section of global media has strongly brought forward what is happening to minorities in India.   

The hope is that Indian Government wakes up to its International obligations, to the worsening of India’s image in the World due to CAA and the horrific violence witnessed in Delhi.

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