Understanding porngate and our reactions to it

[email protected] (CD Network)
March 6, 2012

pornheros

The media has named the latest episode in the serial of scandals unfolding on Karnataka’s political stage as ‘porngate.’ This is the incident in which two ministers of the BJP Government were caught on television cameras while watching porn video clips on their mobile phones in the Legislative Assembly. The clips were allegedly sent to them by another minister. All the three ministers have since resigned. No previous scandal of the BJP Government has generated so much outrage from the public and the opposition parties as this one has. The incident itself has revealed nothing new about the BJP Government in Karnataka. What is more interesting and revealing is the way the opposition and the people have reacted to this incident. Important lessons are to be learnt not from the incident itself but from the reactions to it as well.

The first set of reaction to be analyzed is that of the BJP. For the conservative middle class voters of the BJP, mainly the women voters, this came as a rude jolt. They are now quite used to hearing the stories of corruption. An incident of corruption surpassing all the previous records would not have really embarrassed them as much. Deep inside them they will never be able to reconcile with the feeling of let down that this incident has caused. In this sense, “porngate” has hit the BJP where it can hurt the most. It can be electorally more damaging than all its previous records of scams and shames put together.

However, the official reaction of the BJP was on the predictable lines. Having asked the three ministers to quit, it quickly switched to a defensive mode. The BJP supporters started rummaging history to cite all instances of illicit relationships and sexual misadventures of the opposition leaders to prove how their opponents had all kinds of weaknesses that their own leaders are now displaying in public. This sort of literally childish defense has become characteristic of the State BJP’s political existence of late. Be it corruption, electoral malpractices or anything wrong committed by the party leaders, the BJP’s publicity machinery would parrot out that one-line poser: who hasn’t done it? It reflects the BJP’s utter frustration of having to defend the most indefensible as much as its downright lack of political strategies.

Let us turn to the response from outside the BJP. The scale of protests from the opposition parties and the public has been unprecedented. The session of the Legislature had to be curtailed as the ruling party was in no position to face the opposition’s attack. People protested on the streets all over in the most imaginative ways possible to shame the three ministers and the BJP. The national media went overboard. The opposition parties have also boycotted a committee of the Legislative Assembly constituted to probe the incident. The refrain everywhere is the same — the incident has lowered the dignity of the Assembly and ruined the sanctity of the “temple of democracy.” Of course, who can dispute this? But there is an important question that needs to be asked at this juncture: Is this the only incident which has defiled the temple of democracy? Or is there anything wrong in the way everyone seems to have perceived this incident vis-à-vis other comparable incidents?

The legal and moral dimensions of the episode are vague. The clear issue here is that the three ministers have shown utter disdain towards the proceedings of the Legislative Assembly. Their behavior shows how power has intoxicated them to the point of not being able to discern what is propriety and what is not. It reflects their arrogance which made them think that they would get away with whatever they wanted to do anywhere. The point, however, is that it is not the act of watching porn per se which mirrors their disrespect to the House. What is disrespectful to the House and dangerous to democracy is the kind of mentality that prompted them to do so. And, “porngate” is just one incident in a long chain of such incidents which have amply displayed such a mentality. It is also erroneous to think that what happens inside the House contributes to lower its dignity more than such incidents outside the House. True, the “temple of democracy has a sanctity which should be protected. But, the legislature gets the sanctity of a place of worship only if one accepts that democracy is the presiding deity of that temple. Neither the people nor the opposition ever bothered, or at least showed this kind of outrage, when the deity itself was meted out the most disrespectful treatment. In what way is the defilement of democracy that Karnataka has witnessed because of the ruling party’s dubious “Operation Kamala” less serious than “porngate”? Where was the public outrage then? Why is the Opposition protest against Speaker K.G. Bopaiah presiding over the House despite scathing indictment by the Supreme Court for his partisan action is so muted? Why are the public not agitated when members of the legislature, cutting across party-lines, indulge in violent behavior?

If the so called “porngate” exposes the BJP’s double standards, the reactions to the incident expose even more the double standards of the opposition parties and the society in general. It is no one’s case that one should not have protested against the behavior of the three ministers but the disproportionate nature of that protest should be questioned. Disproportionate it is not because there has been too much of it but because there was too little of such protests in similar incidents in the past. It is the Indian society’s oversensitivity towards anything to do with sex and its utter inability to understand the basics of democracy which has resulted in such a lopsided reaction. There is no point in showing great respect to the temple of democracy while no one bothers when what is worshipped in that temple is being subjected to all kinds of assaults everywhere.

(The writer is a member of the faculty of social sciences at Azim Premji University, Bangalore)

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Ram Puniyani
July 20,2020

As Covid 19 has created havoc all rounds, the rulers of certain countries are using it to further intensify their set agendas. The democratic freedoms are being curtailed in certain forms, the reaction to which has come in America in the form of a campaign, which is opposing “stifling” cultural climate that is imposing “ideological conformity” and weakening “norms of open debate and toleration of differences”. In India similar intimidations have been intensified. In addition the occasion has been used by the sectarian forces first to link the spread of Corona to Muslim community and now in the name of reducing the burden of curriculum certain chapters on core concepts related to Indian nationalism are being deleted from the text books.

It has been reported that chapters on federalism, citizenship, nationalism, secularism, Human Rights, Legal Aid and Local Self Government and the like are being dropped. Education has been an important area for communal forces and they constantly keep saying that leftists have dominated the curriculum content, it suffers from the impact of Macaulay, Marx and Mohammad and so needs to be Indianized. The first such attempt was done when BJP came to power in 1998 as NDA and had Murli Manohar Joshi as the MHRD minister. He brought the changes which were termed as ‘saffronization of education’. Their focus is more on social science. Some of the highlights of this were introduction of subjects like Astrology and Paurohitya, and chapters defending caste system, nationalism of the type of Hitler was praised.

With defeat of NDA in 2004, the UPA did try to rectify some of these distortions. Again after 2014 the RSS affiliates working in the area of education have been active, interacting with MHRD officials to impress upon them the need to change the curriculum matching with their Hindu nationalist agenda. Its ‘Shiksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas’ has been asking for removal of English, Urdu words in the texts. It has asked for removal of thoughts of Rabindranath Tagore on Nationalism, extracts of autobiography of M F Husain, references to benevolence of Muslim rulers, references to BJP being Hindu party, apology of Dr. Manmohan Singh for anti Sikh pogrom of 1984, the reference to killings of Gujarat carnage in 2002 among others. This they call as Bhartiykaran of syllabus.

As RSS is a multithreaded hydra one of its pracharak Dinanath Batra has set up ‘Shiksha Bachao Abhiyan Samiti’ which has been pressurizing various publishers to drop the books which are not conforming to their ideology. One recalls their pressuring withdrawal of Wendy Doniger’s ‘The Hindus’, as it does present the ancient India through the concerns of dalits and women. Mr. Batra has already come out with a set of nine books for school curriculum, giving the RSS view of the past and RSS understanding of social sciences. These have already been translated into Gujarati and thousands of the sets of these books are being used in Gujarat Schools.

The present step of deleting parts of curriculum which gives the basics of Indian Nationalism, secularism and human rights is a further step in the same direction. These are the topics which have made the Hindu nationalists uncomfortable during last few years. They have been defaming secularism. They removed it from the preamble of Indian constitution, when they put out an ad on the eve of Republic day in 2015. From last few decades since the Ram Temple movement was brought up, simultaneously the secular ethos of India’s freedom movement and secular values of Indian constitution have been constantly criticized. Many an RSS ideologues and BJP leaders have been asking for change of Indian Constitution for this very reason.

Secularism is part of the concept of Indian nationalism. In the name of religious nationalism, sectarian divisive nationalism they have been attacking various student leaders in particular. When we study Nationalism, the very genesis of Indian nationalism tells us the plurality of our freedom movement with its anti colonial roots. The struggle was for Indian nationalism and so the Muslims and Hindu communalists kept aloof from this great struggle against colonial masters, it was this struggle which built the Indian nation with all its diversity.

Similarly as we have equal rights as citizens the chapters on citizenship are being dropped. Federalism has been the core part of India’s administrative and political structure. As the dictatorial tendencies are becoming stronger, federalism is bound to suffer and that explains the dropping of this subject. Democracy is decentralization of power. Power reaching the lowermost part of the system, the villages and average citizens. This got reflected in Local self Government. The power is distributed among villages, cities, state and center. By removing chapters on federalism and local self government, the indications of the ideology of ruling party are on display.

While we are not dealing with all the portents of the planned omissions, one more aspect that related to dropping of chapter on Human rights needs our attention. The concept of Human rights and dignity are interlinked. This concept of Human rights also has international ramifications. India is signatory to many an UN covenants related to Human rights. The indications are clear that now rights will be for the few elite and ‘duties’ for the large deprived sections will be put on the forefront.

In a way this incidental ‘Corona gifted opportunity’ to the ruling Government is being fully used to enhance the agenda of ruling party in the arena of Educational Curriculum. The part of curriculum with which the ruling party is uncomfortable is being removed. This act of omission does supplement their other acts of commission in changing the shape of educational curriculum, which are reflected in RSS affiliates’ suggestions to MHRD regarding Bhartiyakaran of contents of syllabus. As per this the things like regarding the great epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata as History, the things like India having all the stem cell technology, plastic surgery, aviation science etc. will have a place in the changes planned by communal forces!

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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