Siddhis of Uttara Kannada seek Obama legacy for a makeover

Abrar Ahmed Khan
May 14, 2012

You see them with the typical African phenotype. But when you hear them speak and go about their daily chores, you are left with no doubt about the fact that they are Kannadigas at heart.

Up in the villages of the coastal district of Uttara Kannada, lives the Siddhi tribe. Spread across Haliyala, Yellapura, Ankola, Mundgod, Joida, Karwar and Sirsi, one finds Siddhis having got accustomed to the Indian way of life. They speak Kannada, Konkani and Urdu and dress like fellow Indians. Siddhi women wear sarees, sport the ‘bindi’ on their foreheads and flowers in their hair.

There are various versions as to why the tribe is called ‘Siddhi’. Some say that the word is derived from the Arabic word “sayyid” or “saydi”. Some others say that the word has its roots in the title ‘Sidi’ that North Africans call each other with as a mark of respect. The more popular of the versions is that the community is called Siddhis because they hail from ‘Sidam’ (Sudan) in Africa from where they were brought to India as slaves. “The Siddhis were brought to India by the Portugese from Sudan. Some Siddhis settled in Goa while some others moved to Karwar and other parts of Karnataka”, says Saver Santaan Siddhi of Ugginakeri, Mundgod, who is currently pursuing a research on the Siddhi folk arts, their history and culture, for Karnataka Konkani Sahitya Academy. It is noteworthy that many Siddhis have Konkani as their mother tongue and hence the Goan influence is felt.

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Today, although Siddhis in Karnataka are seen practicing Hindu, Islamic and Christian faiths, one can see glimpses of tribal culture that are still present among them. “We have the unique ‘Sigmo’ and ‘Phugdi’ dances even today. The ‘Dhammaam’ (a percussion instrument made of wood and deer skin) is still used during weddings. The dance that is performed on Dhammaam beats is one where it is mandatory for the dancers to sweat. At times, the Dhammaam is played all through the night” reveals Mr. Saver Santaan Siddhi.

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Siddhis of Gullapura village playing the 'Dhammaam'

In spite of having been a part of Karnataka for more than 300 years, the Siddhis continue to remain largely unnoticed. Naina Siddhi of Gullapura village, pursuing her Nursing studies in Bangalore says: “My classmates and friends in Bangalore ask me if my hair is naturally curly or I have done something to it. People don’t have an idea that our tribe actually exists”.

Yes they are proud of their black lineage. They’ll refer to Chris Gayle as “Namm Siddhi” (our man). They believe Barack Obama is a member of their family. No wonder Haliyala’s prominent Siddhi leader Diyog Siddhi had approached the government with a request that his tribe wishes to send a bottle of honey as a gift to the US President. In return, disappointment is all he got, as usual.

That’s right, as usual.

The Siddhis have been an ignored lot for long and feel neglected by the authorities. “It’s been 40 years since I have been fighting for the cause of our tribe. We are a people who have battled poverty and backwardness for decades. For long, our people were threatened by men in power and upper castes and considered backward as people of the jungle. Although today some degree of awareness has come about in our people and they are showing a stomach for fight, the saga of ill-treatment has continued. They falsely arrest our people citing land rule violations. In spite of repeated appeals to the government, not much has happened. There are people who do not want to see us develop. We are looked at as a foreign group. The government officials said that our gift could not be sent to Obama because of some technical and policy issues. But I have this feeling that they dread the fact that our relationship with Obama will strengthen and that we may progress”, Mr. Diyog says.

Honey collection is one of Siddhis’ fortes. “Our people are experts of sorts in collecting honey from the forests. But we are troubled by those in power even there. As per the law, we are supposed to avail the forest produce but we do not get them. Tenders are called for and the produce that we collect from the forest is taken away by others. We have been resisting the move and the process was scrapped for some time. Now they have gone back to their old ways again. We have plans of approaching the court. If we are allowed to avail the forest produce we can utilise them for our economic growth. We have our own societies. Selling of the forest produce will benefit our societies as well as our people”, reveals Shekhar Ganpal Siddhi of Yellapura, Taluk President of Dalita Sangharsha Samithi and a member of Siddhi Janajagrati Mattu Abhivraddhi Sangha, Yellapura.

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The Siddhis believe that owing to carelessness and insincerity of authorities, they have had to face massive injustices in terms of land possession. “As per the central government rules, officials of the Forest Department and the Tahshildar are supposed to conduct a survey of the forest land that we possess, submit a report and accordingly provide us with title deeds. But they did not come for survey and instead the local committee gave officials of the Panchayat the authority. Our people have filled the forms and provided accurate and honest information of their respective land possessions but Panchayat officials entered land details based on mere assumptions and guess work and not on the basis of the data that they should have collected after conducting a survey. As a result, in the title deeds given to a majority of our people, their exact land possession has not been specified. Some have a mention of mere one acre of land when they actually possess three or four acres and others have been given 10 guntes and 20 guntes when they actually own two or three acres of land. We want to take up the matter legally but there are some hurdles. We are a financially weak community and to add salt to injury some vested interests have pocketed some of our own men”, says John Costa Siddhi, Secretary, Siddhi Janajagrati Mattu Abhivraddhi Sangha, Yellapura.

To make matters worse, Siddhis hardly have any political representation. In all these years, not a single Siddhi has earned an MLA seat in the Karnataka Assembly, while members of most other SC/ST communities and Dalits have managed to do so. Says Lawrence Khaitan Siddhi, the only Siddhi to have scaled the political ladder up to Yellapur Taluk Panchayat Presidency: “Contesting for an MLA seat for us Siddhis is not a piece of cake. Gone are the days when people would field a candidate based on his honesty and work. Nowadays it is money that speaks and we are a financially weak community. We do not have a considerable population in terms of votes either. We number about 25,000 in the entire Uttara Kannada district. Caste politics is widespread and there is the ‘Hindutva’ factor too. We Siddhis had benefited when Margaret Alva was the MP. I knew her and maintained good relations with her and it was during her term as MP that I became Taluk Panchayat President. I had requested her to press for SC/ST status for our community and in 2003, the Siddhi community in Uttara Kannada district was granted that status. This didn’t go down well with certain upper caste people and they indulged in anti-Alva propaganda. It so happened that in the next elections, she lost her MP seat and it was made to appear that because she favoured the Siddhis, she had lost. Even today, parties hesitate in giving an election ticket to Siddhis as they have this feeling that we don’t bring much to the table”, Mr. Lawrence says.

The struggle for grant of SC/ST status for Siddhis living in other districts of the state is on too. “The SC/ST status has been granted to Siddhis of Uttara Kannada district alone. Our brethren living across the boundary in Kalgatti taluk of Dharwad are deprived of the SC/ST status. They are treated as general category. Voices are being raised that the status be granted to Siddhis living in other districts of Karnataka”, says Mr. John Costa Siddhi.

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John Costa Siddhi, Secretary, Siddhi Janajagrati Mattu Abhivraddhi Sangha, Yellapura

Siddhis however realize that encouraging schooling and education among the next generation is the way forward. “From the past 6-7 years, awareness about encouraging children to pursue education has gradually been increasing in our community. Today, about 95% of our children go to schools. Although we don’t have many in our community who have pursued higher education, there are a few who have. Our Sangha too puts in efforts to get scholarships for our children. If this generation moves forward, we can be stronger financially and politically too”, opines Mr. John Costa Siddi.

“I want to enter politics and be a leader like Mayavathi” says the talented Mahalaxmi of Kalase village, currently studying in Std IX. She is a sportsperson too and has won second place in a State-level wrestling competition.

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“It feels embarrassing when teachers in the classroom give certain examples taking the Siddhi community. People say things about us and think that we are backward. I want to prove them wrong. We have high aims and with proper guidance, we can certainly come up”, says Sumitra, a II BA student studying in Yellapura.

For Manchikere’s Husain Kalandar Saab, a B.Com student, encouragement given by his family has been the key. “In our circles boys hardly continue their studies. Most of them discontinue schooling and work as labourers in others’ farms or as masons. But my parents encouraged me to learn more and I availed the scholarship facilities as well”, he says.

Children discontinuing studies is one thing that leaders of the Siddhi community do not want to see. “There are schools where teachers themselves tell our Siddhi students that they are dullards and education is not their cup of tea. They send them to others’ homes and make them work stating that at least this way they can earn something. We have been treated as slaves all through and there are people who want us to remain slaves”, laments Diyog Siddhi.

But at the same time, he is hopeful that change will come about in the days to come. He finds inspiration in Barack Obama, the man behind ‘Change We Need’ slogan, anyway.

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Ram Puniyani
March 14,2020

In the wake of Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) UN High Commissioner, Michele Bachelet, has filed an intervention in the Supreme Court petition challenging the constitutionality of the Citizenship Amendment Act, as she is critical of CAA. Responding to her, India’s Foreign Minister S. Jai Shanker strongly rebutted her criticism, saying that the body (UNHCR) has been wrong and is blind to the problem of cross border terrorism. The issue on hand is the possibility of scores of people, mainly Muslims, being declared as stateless. The problem at hand is the massive exercise of going through the responses/documents from over 120 crore of Indian population and screening documents, which as seen in Assam, yield result which are far from truthful or necessary.

The issue of CAA has been extensively debated and despite heavy critique of the same by large number of groups and despite the biggest mass opposition ever to any move in Independent India, the Government is determined on going ahead with an exercise which is reminiscent of the dreaded regimes which are sectarian and heartless to its citizens, which have indulged in extinction of large mass of people on grounds of citizenship, race etc. The Foreign minister’s assertion is that it is a matter internal to India, where India’s sovereignty is all that matters! As far as sovereignty is concerned we should be clear that in current times any sovereign power has to consider the need to uphold the citizenship as per the principle of non-discrimination which is stipulated in Art.26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political (ICCPR) rights.

Can such policies, which affect large number of people and are likely to affect their citizenship be purely regarded as ‘internal’? With the World turning into a global village, some global norms have been formulated during last few decades. The norms relate to Human rights and migrations have been codified. India is also signatory to many such covenants in including ICCPR, which deals with the norms for dealing with refugees from other countries. One is not talking of Chicago speech of Swami Vivekanand, which said that India’s greatness has been in giving shelter to people from different parts of the World; one is also not talking of the Tattariaya Upanishad’s ‘Atithi Devovhav’ or ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbkam’ from Mahaupanishad today.

What are being talked about are the values and opinions of organizations which want to ensure to preserve of Human rights of all people Worldwide. In this matter India is calling United Nations body as ‘foreign party’; having no locus standi in the case as it pertains to India’s sovereignty. The truth is that since various countries are signatories to UN covenants, UN bodies have been monitoring the moves of different states and intervening at legal level as Amicus (Friend of the Court) to the courts in different countries and different global bodies. Just to mention some of these, UN and High Commissioner for Human Rights has often submitted amicus briefs in different judicial platforms. Some examples are their intervention in US Supreme Court, European Court of Human Rights, International Criminal Court, and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. These are meant to help the Courts in areas where UN bodies have expertise.

 Expertise on this has been jointly formulated by various nations. These interventions also remind the nations as to what global norms have been evolved and what are the obligations of individual states to the values which have evolved over a period of time. Arvind Narrain draws our attention to the fact that, “commission has intervened in the European Court of Human Rights in cases involving Spain and Italy to underscore the principle of non-refoulement, which bars compulsory expulsion of illegal migrants… Similarly, the UN has intervened in the International Criminal Court in a case against the Central African Republic to explicate on the international jurisprudence on rape as a war crime.”

From time to time organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have been monitoring the status of Human rights of different countries. This puts those countries in uncomfortable situation and is not welcome by those establishments. How should this contradiction between ‘internal matter’, ‘sovereignty’ and the norms for Human rights be resolved? This is a tough question at the time when the freedom indices and democratic ethos are sliding downwards all over the world. In India too has slid down on the scale of these norms.

In India we can look at the intervention of UN body from the angle of equality and non discrimination. Democratic spirit should encourage us to have a rethink on the matters which have been decided by the state. In the face of the greatest mass movement of Shaheen bagh, the state does need to look inwards and give a thought to international morality, the spirit of global family to state the least.

The popular perception is that when Christians were being persecuted in Kandhmal the global Christian community’s voice was not strong enough. Currently in the face of Delhi carnage many a Muslim majority countries have spoken. While Mr. Modi claims that his good relations with Muslim countries are a matter of heartburn to the parties like Congress, he needs to relook at his self gloating. Currently Iran, Malaysia, Indonesia and many Muslim majority countries have spoken against what Modi regime is unleashing in India. Bangladesh, our neighbor, has also seen various protests against the plight of Muslims in India. More than the ‘internal matter’ etc. what needs to be thought out is the moral aspect of the whole issue. We pride ourselves in treading the path of morality. What does that say in present context when while large section of local media is servile to the state, section of global media has strongly brought forward what is happening to minorities in India.   

The hope is that Indian Government wakes up to its International obligations, to the worsening of India’s image in the World due to CAA and the horrific violence witnessed in Delhi.

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Ram Puniyani
January 14,2020

In the beginning of January 2020 two very disturbing events were reported from Pakistan. One was the attack on Nankana Sahib, the holy shrine where Sant Guru Nanak was born. While one report said that the place has been desecrated, the other stated that it was a fight between two Muslim groups. Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan condemned the incident and the main accused Imran Chisti was arrested. The matter related to abduction and conversion of a Sikh girl Jagjit Kaur, daughter of Pathi (One who reads Holy Guru Granth Sahib in Gurudwara) of the Gurudwara. In another incident one Sikh youth Ravinder Singh, who was out on shopping for his marriage, was shot dead in Peshawar.

While these condemnable attacks took place on the Sikh minority in Pakistan, BJP was quick enough to jump to state that it is events like this which justify the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Incidentally CAA is the Act which is discriminatory and relates to citizenship with Religion, which is not as per the norms of Indian constitution. There are constant debates and propaganda that population of Hindus has come down drastically in Pakistan and Bangla Desh. Amit Shah, the Home minister stated that in Pakistan the population of Hindus has come down from 23% at the time of partition to 3.7% at present. And in Bangla Desh it has come down from 22% to present 8%.

While not denying the fact that the religious minorities are getting a rough deal in both these countries, the figures which are presented are totally off the mark. These figures don’t take into consideration the painful migrations, which took place at the time of partition and formation of Bangla Desh later. Pakistan census figures tell a different tale. Their first census was held in 1951. As per this census the overall percentage of Non Muslim in Pakistan (East and West together) was 14.2%, of this in West Pakistan (Now Pakistan) it was 3.44 and in Eat Pakistan it was 23.2. In the census held in Pakistan 1998 it became 3.72%. As far as Bangla Desh is concerned the share of Non Muslims has gone down from 23.2 (1951) to 9.6% in 2011.

The largest minority of Pakistan is Ahmadis, (https://minorityrights.org/country/pakistan/) who are close to 4 Million and are not recognised as Muslims in Pakistan. In Bangla Desh the major migrations of Hindus from Bangla Desh took place in the backdrop of Pakistan army’s atrocities in the then East Pakistan.

As far as UN data on refugees in India it went up by 17% between 2016-2019 and largest numbers were from Tibet and Sri Lanka.  (https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publication…)

The state of minorities is in a way the index of strength of democracy. Most South Asian Countries have not been able to sustain democratic values properly. In Pakistan, the Republic began with Jinnah’s classic speech where secularism was to be central credo of Pakistan. This 11th August speech was in a way what the state policy should be, as per which people of all faiths are free to practice their religion. Soon enough the logic of ‘Two Nation theory” and formation of Pakistan, a separate state for Muslim took over. Army stepped in and dictatorship was to reign there intermittently. Democratic elements were suppressed and the worst came when Zia Ul Haq Islamized the state in collusion with Maulanas. The army was already a strong presence in Pakistan. The popular formulation for Pakistan was that it is ruled by three A’s, Army, America and Allah (Mullah).

Bangla Desh had a different trajectory. Its very formation was a nail in the coffin of ‘two nation theory’; that religion can be the basis of a state. Bangla Desh did begin as a secular republic but communal forces and secular forces kept struggling for their dominance and in 1988 it also became Islamic republic. At another level Myanmar, in the grip of military dictatorship, with democratic elements trying to retain their presence is also seeing a hard battle. Democracy or not, the army and Sanghas (Buddhist Sang has) are strong, in Myanmar as well. The most visible result is persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

Similar phenomenon is dominating in Sri Lanka also where Budhhist Sanghas and army have strong say in the political affairs, irrespective of which Government is ruling. Muslim and Christian minorities are a big victim there, while Tamils (Hindus, Christians etc.) suffered the biggest damage as ethnic and religious minorities. India had the best prospect of democracy, pluralism and secularism flourishing here. The secular constitution, the outcome of India’s freedom struggle, the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru did ensure the rooting of democracy and secularism in a strong way.

India so far had best democratic credentials amongst all the south Asian countries. Despite that though the population of minorities rose mainly due to poverty and illiteracy, their overall marginalisation was order of the day, it went on worsening with the rise of communal forces, with communal forces resorting to identity issues, and indulging in propaganda against minorities.

While other South Asian countries should had followed India to focus more on infrastructure and political culture of liberalism, today India is following the footsteps of Pakistan. The retrograde march of India is most visible in the issues which have dominated the political space during last few years. Issues like Ram Temple, Ghar Wapasi, Love Jihad, Beef-Cow are now finding their peak in CAA.

India’s reversal towards a polity with religion’s identity dominating the political scene was nicely presented by the late Pakistani poetess Fahmida Riaz in her poem, Tum bhi Hum Jaise Nikle (You also turned out to be like us). While trying to resist communal forces has been an arduous task, it is becoming more difficult by the day. This phenomenon has been variously called, Fundamentalism, Communalism or religious nationalism among others. Surely it has nothing to do with the religion as practiced by the great Saint and Sufi traditions of India; it resorts mainly to political mobilization by using religion as a tool.

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Ashi
 - 
Tuesday, 14 Jan 2020

If Malaysia implement similar NRC/CAA, India and China are the loser.

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Ram Puniyani
February 22,2020

This January 2020, it is thirty years since the Kashmiri Pundits’ exodus from the Kashmir valley took place. They had suffered grave injustices, violence and humiliation prior to the migration away from the place of their social and cultural roots in Kashmir Valley. The phenomenon of this exodus had been due to the communalization of militancy in Kashmir in the decade of 1980s. While no ruling Government has applied itself enough to ‘solve’ this uprooting of pundits from their roots, there are communal elements who have been aggressively using ‘what about Kashmiri Pundits?’, every time liberal, human rights defenders talk about the plight of Muslim minority in India. This minority is now facing an overall erosion of their citizenship rights.

Time and over again in the aftermath of communal violence in particular, the human rights groups have been trying to put forward the demands for justice and rehabilitation of the victim minority. Instead of being listened to those particularly from Hindu nationalist combine, as a matter of routine shout back, where were you when Kashmiri Pundits were driven away from the Valley? In a way the tragedy being heaped on one minority is being justified in the name of suffering of Pundits and in the process violence is being normalized. This sounds as if two wrongs make a right, as if the suffering Muslim minority or those who are trying to talk in defense of minority rights have been responsible for the pain of Kashmiri Pundits.

During these three, many political formations have come to power, including BJP, Congress, third front and what have you. To begin with when the exodus took place Kashmir was under President’s rule and V. P. Singh Government was in power at the center. This Government had the external support of BJP at that time. Later BJP led NDA came to power for close to six years from 1998, under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Then from 2014 it is BJP, with Narerda Modi as PM, with BJP brute majority is in power. Other components of NDA are there to enjoy some spoils of power without any say in the policies being pursued by the Government. Modi is having absolute power with Amit Shah occasionally presenting Modi’s viewpoints.

Those blurting, ‘what about Kashmiri Pundits?’ are using it as a mere rhetoric to hide their communal color. The matters of Kashmir are very disturbing and cannot be attributed to be the making of Indian Muslims as it is being projected in an overt and subtle manner. Today, of course the steps taken by the Modi Government, that of abrogation of Article 370, abolition of clause 35 A, downgrading the status of Kashmir from a state to union territory have created a situation where the return of Kashmiri Pundits may have become more difficult, as the local atmosphere is more stifling and the leaders with democratic potential have been slapped with Public Safety Act, where they can be interned for long time without any answerability to the Courts. The internet had been suspended, communication being stifled in an atmosphere where democratic freedoms are curtailed which makes solution of any problem more difficult.

Kashmir has been a vexed issue where the suppression of the clause of autonomy, leading to alienation led to rise of militancy. This was duly supported by Pakistan. The entry of Al Qaeda elements, who having played their role against Russian army in 1980s entered into Kashmir and communalized the situation in Kashmir. The initial Kashmir militancy was on the grounds of Kashmiriyat. Kashmiriyat is not Islam, it is synthesis of teachings of Buddha, values of Vedant and preaching’s of Sufi Islam. The tormenting of Kashmiri Pundits begins with these elements entering Kashmir.

Also the pundits, who have been the integral part of Kashmir Valley, were urged upon by Goodwill mission to stay on, with local Muslims promising to counter the anti Pundit atmosphere. Jagmohan, the Governor, who later became a minister in NDA Government, instead of providing security to the Pundits thought, is fit to provide facilities for their mass migration. He could have intensified counter militancy and protected the vulnerable Pundit community. Why this was not done?

Today, ‘What about Kashmiri Pundits?’ needs to be given a serious thought away from the blame game or using it as a hammer to beat the ‘Muslims of India’ or human rights defenders? The previous NDA regime (2014) had thought of setting up enclosures of Pundits in the Valley. Is that a solution? Solution lies in giving justice to them. There is a need for judicial commission to identify the culprits and legal measures to reassure the Pundit community. Will they like to return if the high handed stifling atmosphere, with large number of military being present in the area? The cultural and religious spaces of Pundits need to be revived and Kashmiryat has to be made the base of any reconciliation process.

Surely, the Al Qaeda type elements do not represent the alienation of local Kashmiris, who need to be drawn into the process of dialogue for a peaceful Kashmir, which is the best guarantee for progress in this ex-state, now a Union territory. Communal amity, the hallmark of Kashmir cannot be brought in by changing the demographic composition by settling outsiders in the Valley. A true introspection is needed for this troubled area. Democracy is the only path for solving the emigration of Pundits and also of large numbers of Muslims, who also had to leave the valley due to the intimidating militancy and presence of armed forces in large numbers. One recalls Times of India report of 5th February 1992 which states that militants killed 1585 people from January 1990 to October 1992 out of which 982 were Muslims and 218 Hindus.

We have been taking a path where democratic norms are being stifled, and the promises of autonomy which were part of treaty of accession being ignored. Can it solve the problem of Pundits?

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