The birth of ‘Bearywood’

[email protected] (SAFIA NAEEM)
June 14, 2011

With the first ever Beary language movie - ‘Byari’, Director Suveeran, has employed his own techniques to butter popcorn with the landmark movie, which opened simultaneously in Prabhat and Big Cinema in Mangalore.

 

In Suveeran’s own words: “Althaf Hussain, who is producing the film under the banner of Thanneer Films, needs real appreciation for venturing into Beary film-dom,” even though he took up the task, after the Tulu cinema traversed several milestones.

 

Mr Hussain, who is confident that the movie would surely win accolades at national level, says that ‘Byari’ has already received overwhelming appreciation from the audience as well as from the cine-experts when it was screened at International Film Festival of Thrissur (IFFT) and Habitat Film Festival in New Delhi.

 

Moreover, the involvement of renowned actors of South India such as Mamu Koya of Mollywood and ‘My Autograph’ famed Maillika of Kollywood, has naturally raised the eyebrows of the Beary cine-lovers.

 

However, the birth of what could be termed as ‘Bearywood’, is not free from the labour pain, as the controversies remained inseparable from the much vaunted movie, even before it could become a milestone in the robust and rich Beary cultural history.

 

But the filmmakers appeared to be the firm believers in the maxim no publicity is bad publicity.

 

The controversy is all about the central plot of the movie, which, according to renowned Kannada litterateur Sara Aboobaker, is a rip off from her most popular but controversial novel ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’.

 

“The same people, who attacked me when I wrote the novel nearly 27 years ago, now stole the story from the same novel to produce a cinema for their own benefit,” fumes Sara. “No other word can be suitable for these people than ‘thieves’. Yes, they are thieves. But they cannot go ahead doing whatever they want, as I have already launched a legal battle against them” the 75-year-old writer thunders.

 

However, Irfan Chokkabettu, the script writer of the film, denies Sara Aboobakar’s claims. He says the entire story of the film is based on a real-life story of a woman who still resides at Chokkabettu near Surathkal. “I was a witness for what happened in that woman’s life during 1998, when the coastal region was rocked by communal riots. The woman is still happily living with her husband and two children in Chokkabettu” he says.

 

“I was familiar with the name Sara Aboobakar. But, I never knew that Sara Aboobakar is a female and she has written a novel called ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’,” says Irfan, adding that he came to know the story of her novel only after the shooting of the film had been commenced.

 

The film Byari has a strong message for those who seek divorce on flimsy gounds. If veteran actor Mamu Koya, who is a prominent character in the film, was right, the concepts like Talaq and Iddath are at the centre stage of this film too.

 

Mr Koya also stunned his own team by claiming in a television interview that the story was indeed based on Chandragiriya Theeradalli.

 

The story revolves around Nadira, a young girl whose marriage was fixed with an elderly male as soon as she reached puberty. After initial period of anxiety and apprehension, she settles down with her husband who is thrice her age.

 

In a sudden turn of events, Nadira’s father, for his personal gains, forces her to break her relationship with her husband and brought back to her parental house.

 

It is in this backdrop, ‘Byari’ movie revolves around the sufferings of Nadira and finally the film has a happy ending as she once again unites with her husband.

 

Even though Nadira, is a familiar character for those who have read ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’, Mr Irfan questions how could Islamic systems such as ‘Talaq and Iddath’ and a popular name of a girl be a copyright issue for a writer like Sara Aboobaker?

 

Clarifying that the storyline of ‘Byari’ is not against the Holy Qur’an and Shariath law, Mr Irfan says, “We have only picturised the sufferings of a woman who got ‘Talaq’ due to her father’s whims and fancies. The film contains a warning for those who misuse Talaq or Iddath system, unlike Sara Aboobaker’s book that portrays Muslim women as being shackled by religious norms.”

 

The one hour 40 minute-long movie has only one song and has been shot at different localities in and around Mangalore namely Jokatte, Surathkal, Mukka, Bajpe and Thokkottu.

 

Mr Hussain, who claims that he has invested no less than Rs 55 lakh for ‘Byari’, says that the movie, uses a lot of techniques in the scenes now and then to get the message across.

 

The award-winning artistes have also contributed to the quality of the movie with their brilliant acting, he adds.

 

 

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Crew

 

Apart from Mamu Koya and Mallika most of the actors in the movie are local Beary amateur artistes. Producer Hussain himself has stood before camera mingling with fellow actors like Rahim Uchil, Ambika Mohan, Majeed, Riyaz Ashraf, Ashwathi, Prajeesh, Sudarshan, KTS Padanna, Shareef Katipalla, Roopa Varkadi, Asha, Altaf Krishnapura, Samshuddin Paradise, Baby Shatha and Shazin, Asfiya, Annath, Bathisha Puttur and Kabir Katipalla and others. Murali Krishnan is the camera-man.

 

Litterateur’s stance

 

Sara Aboobaker, who has won the highest literary award in the state namely Nadoja, claims that she has gathered sufficient proof to establish that the whole story of the film is based on her novel ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’.

 

“The copyright of the novel will exclusively be with the National Film Development Corporation (NFDC) until 2015 and nobody can reproduce it until then,” says Sara, accusing the ‘Byari’ team of using her name and fame for their publicity.

 

“I am aware that during the screening of ‘Byari’ in the International Film Festival of Thrissur (IFFT) in March this year, the crew had announced to the media that the film was based on the storyline of my celebrated novel,” she says.

 

“I have produced the documents of the actor Mamu Koya’s claim, which was aired in a local TV channel, as well as my novel, before the court. I am confident that I would win the battle,” she says.

 

The matter is in lower court and will be moved to district court if needed before releasing the movie in Mangalore, says litterateur.

 

Unforgettable experience

 

Mallika who played the role of Nadira, says that she cannot forget her experience during the shooting of ‘Byari’.

 

“I was so excited when I was approached for ‘Byari’, knowing that it was the first Beary movie. I am so happy that I too have become a part of a history through the first ever film of a regional language”, she says adding that the experience while shooting the movie was unforgettable.

 

“There is a scene where I fight with my father over my marital life. The scene has come so naturally and I always cherish the moments throughout my life”

 

Mamu Koya loves Beary!

 

The national award winning Malayalam comedian Mamu Koya, who has played the role of Nadira’s (Mallika’s) father in ‘Byari’ says that he cultivated love for Beary during the shooting.

 

“I enjoyed the shooting and loved Beary language too”, says Koya, who has already acted in more than 500 Malayalam films.

 

He says “Though my role in ‘Byari’ is quite opposite to that of ‘Perumazhakalam’, where an aging father who was helpless in his daughter’s fight against the odds to save her husband’s life, it gave me opportunities to emote as in ‘Perumazhakalam’”

 

Recalling that ‘Perumazhakalam’ had bagged National Film Award for Best Film in 2005, he says, that you cannot expect awards all the time.

 

However, Mr Koya never forgets to add that the Mangaloreans are so progressive and cooperative. “Yes, I would love to act in Beary language, which is similar to Malayalam, and would not miss opportunities in future also.”

 

Interview

 

Suveeran, an award-winning playwright and director of plays and short films, has made his debut in feature film direction with the very first film of Beary language- ‘Byari’. A product of the School of Drama, Thrissur, and the National School of Drama, New Delhi, the Kerala based director’s first love remains theatre though.

 

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Q: Being a Malayalam director, why did you experiment your first feature film in Beary language?

A: It is just technical. I have already directed almost five short films in Malayalam. When ‘Byari’ project came to me, I initially denied to do it because it was nothing related to me at all and I am basically from theatre. However, my producer, who is a sensible gentleman, gave the script and asked me to rethink on it.

 

Q: How did you feel the transition from theatre to film?

A: Film is just a mechanical production, and it can exist even after my life while drama, which has a life, is a live performance. And, of course like every drama-cum-film director, I too prefer working in drama than film. But I know it is difficult to get an audience to communicate my ideas through the medium of theatre.

 

Q: Would you like to work in Beary language again?

A: I will certainly work if a project like ‘Byari’ comes up again, but so far there is no other project in Beary language.

 

Q: ‘Byari’ bagged appreciation in Film festivals in Thrissur and New Delhi. To whom should the credit go?

A: To everyone who worked for it. The whole team has given 100 per cent for ‘Byari’

 

Que: How does the film appeal the audience in terms of cinematic aesthetics?

Ans: ‘Byari’ is an art movie. An art is just a self-expression. I don’t care about the reaction of the audience, as they are independent. Whether ‘Byari’ appeals you or not is dependent of how you see the life or the world or any other thing.

 

 

 

 

 

Comments

Kraig
 - 
Sunday, 4 Jun 2017

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 - 
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Leonor
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na watek dwuosobowych materacy turystycznych takich spólek kiedy Bestway, Intex respektuj zboczonych Od znaczniejszego frazeologizmu zabiegam gwoli siebie
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Ram Puniyani
March 8,2020

They say ‘history repeats itself first as a tragedy and then as a farce’. In case of India, communal violence not only keeps repeating itself, the pattern of the tragedy keeps changing every next time. Some features of the violence are constant, but they are under the wraps mostly. The same can be said about the Delhi violence (February 2020). The interpretations, the causative factors are very discernible, but those who are generally the perpetrators have a knack of shifting the blame on the victim community or those who stand for the victims.

As the carnage began presumably in the aftermath of statement of Kapil Mishra of BJP, which was given in front of a top police official, in which he threatened to get the roads emptied. The roots of violence were sown earlier. The interpretations given by the Hindu Nationalist camp is that the riot is due to the changing demographic profile of the area with Muslims increasing in number in those areas, and coming up of Shaheen Bagh which was presented was like ‘Mini Pakistan’. As per them the policies of BJP in matters of triple talaq, Article 370 and CAA, NPR, NRC has unnerved the ‘radical’ elements and so this violence.

As such before coming to the observations of the activists and scholars of communal violence in India, we can in brief say that violence, in which nearly 46 people have died, include one from police and another from intelligence. Majority victims are Muslims. The violence started right under the nose of the police and the ruling party. From the videos and other eye accounts, police not only looked the other way around, at places it assisted those attacking the innocent victims and burning and looting selective shops. Home minister, Amit Shah, was nowhere on the scene. For first three days the rioters had free run. After the paramilitary force was brought in; the violence simmered and slowly reduced in intensity. The state AAP Government, which in a way is the byproduct of RSS supported Anna Hazare movement, was busy reading Hanuman Chalisa and praying at Rajghat with eyes closed to the mayhem going in parts of Delhi.

Communal violence is the sore point of Indian society. It did begin during colonial period due to British policy of ‘Divide and Rule’. At root cause was the communal view of looking at history and pro active British acts to sow the seeds of Hindu-Muslim divide. At other level the administrative and police the British were fairly neutral. On one hand was the national movement, uniting the people and creating and strengthening the fraternal feeling among all Indians. On the other were Muslim Communalists (Muslim League) and Hindu Communalists (Hindu Mahasabha, RSS) who assisted the British goal of ‘divide and rule’ promoting hatred between the communities. After partition the first major change was the change in attitude of police and administration which started tilting against Muslims. Major studies by Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer, Paul Brass and Omar Khalidi demonstrated that anti Muslim bias is discernible in during and after the riots.

Now the partisan role of police has been visible all through. Sri Krishna Commission report brought forth this fact; as did the research of the Ex DIG of UP police Dr. V.N.Rai. Dr. Rai’s studies also concluded that no communal violence can go on beyond 24 hours unless state administration is complicit in the carnage. In one of the violence, investigation of which was done by concerned Citizen’s team (Dhule, 2013) this author observed that police itself went on to undertake the rampage against Muslims and Muslim properties.

General observation about riots is that violence sounds to be spontaneous, as the Home Minister is pointing out, but as such it is well planned act. Again the violence is orchestrated in such a way that it seems Muslims have begun the riots. Who casts the First stone? To this scholars point out that the carnage is so organized that the encircled community is forced to throw the first stone. At places the pretext is made that ‘they’ (minorities) have thrown the first stone.

The pretexts against minorities are propagated, in Gujarat violence Godhra train burning, in Kandhamal the murder of Swami Laxamannand and now Shaheen bagh! The Hindu Muslim violence began as riots. But it is no more a riot, two sides are not involved. It is plain and simple anti Minority violence, in which some from the majority are also the victims.

This violence is possible as the ‘Hate against this minority’ is now more or less structural. The deeper Hate against Muslims and partly against Christians; has been cultivated since long and Hindu nationalist politics, right from its Shakhas to the social media have been put to use for spreading Hatred. The prevalent deeper hate has been supplanted this time by multiple utterances from BJP leaders, Modi (Can be recognized by clothes), Shah (press EVM machine button so hard that current is felt in Shaheen Bagh), Anurag Thakur (Goli (bullet) Maro) Yogi Aditya Nath (If Boli (Words)Do not work Goli will) and Parvesh Varma (They will be out to rape).

The incidental observation of the whole tragedy is the coming to surface of true colors of AAP, which not only kept mum as the carnage was peaking but also went on to praise the role of police in the whole episode. With Delhi carnage “Goli Maro” seems to be becoming the central slogan of Hindu nationalists. Delhi’s this violence has been the first one in which those getting killed are more due to bullets than by swords or knifes! Leader’s slogans do not go in vain! Courts the protectors of our Constitution seem to be of little help as if one of them like Murlidhar Rao gives the verdict to file against hate mongers, he is immediately transferred.

And lastly let’s recall the academic study of Yale University. It concludes; BJP gains in electoral strength after every riot’. In India the grip of communalism is increasing frighteningly. Efforts are needed to combat Hate and Hate mongers.

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Ram Puniyani
January 26,2020

During last couple of decades we have been witnessing the coming up of various statues in different parts of the country. There is diverse political logic and different set of political tendencies for erecting these statues. When Mayawati was UP CM, she got multiple of her own statues made, in addition to many statues of major dalit icons, irrespective of the criticism against that act. As per her strategy it was a symbol of identity of dalit assertion. The biggest statue to come up was that of Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, a lifelong Congressman, whom RSS combine is trying to appropriate. This statue of Unity was ‘Made in China’. The clever trick was that the same forces were behind this statue, which was banned by Patel in the aftermath of Gandhi murder. Interestingly while currently BJP is blaming Congress for Partition of India, ironically it was Sardar Patel who was in the committee which gave final stamp of approval for the partition of India.

There is also a talk in UP, where the Ram temple campaign yielded rich electoral dividends for BJP, to have tallest statue of Lord Ram in Ayodhya. In a state where children are dying in hospitals due to lack of Oxygen cylinders, a huge budgetary allocation will be required for such project. While on statues one should also remember that in Maharashtra a tall statue of Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj is underway in Arabian Sea, near Mumbai. Only few voices of protest against it came up, e.g. that of renowned journalist, now, MP, Kumar Ketkar, whose house was vandalised for his opposing the move on the grounds that same massive amount can be utilized for welfare-development activities in the state.

On the back of this comes a comparatively low budget 114 feet tall statue of Jesus Christ in Karnataka, in Kappala hills Harobele village, where Christian pilgrims have been thronging from last several centuries. The land for this has been donated by Congress leader Shivaprasad and his brother, a Congress MP. It is planned to be carved out from a single rock. The plan of this statue is being opposed by those who have been behind most of the statue projects so far. Hindu Jagran Vedike, VHP, RSS are up in arms saying that they will not let this come up. There are various arguments cited for this opposition. It is being said that this was a place of worship of Lord Munnieshwara (a form of Lord Shiva).

More than this it is being argued that Shivakumar is trying to please his Italian boss in the party. Also that this will bring back the period of slavery of foreign rule, the colonial rule of British. As such this opposition is more in tune with the ideology of RSS combine, which has been for a statue here and a statue there. Their politics regards Christianity as a ‘foreign religion’! It is true that in Citizenship Amendment Act, they have not excluded Christianity while other religion, which they regard as ‘Foreign’ i.e. Islam. Here they are using a different logic, that the countries from where persecuted minorities are coming, are Muslim countries, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangla Desh.

In India the major targeting by RSS combine has been against Muslims, but Christians are also not spared. Starting in the decade of 1980, an intense propaganda has been going on that Christian Missionaries are converting. As RSS affiliate Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram became active in Adivasi areas, the likes of Swami Aseemanand, Swami Laxmanand and followers of Aasaram bapu spread out in Tribal areas. They started their programs to popularise Shabri and Hanuman, with congregations like Shabri Kumbh being regularly organized in these areas. The aim was to Hinduize the people in those areas.

The first major anti Christian violence came up in the ghastly form of burning alive of Pastor Graham Steward Stains along with his two minor sons Timothy and Philip. RSS affiliate Bajrang Dal's Dara Siingh aka Rajendra Pal was behind this and he is serving the life term for that. At the same time Wadhva Commission was appointed to investigate this crime which shook the country and President K.R. Narayan termed it as the one belonging to the inventory of the black deeds of human history.

The Wadhva commission report pointed out that there was no statistical significant change in the region where the pastor was working. Similarly the national figures tell us that the Christian population, if at all, has marginally declined in last five decades as per the census figures. They stand like this, percentage of Christians in population, 1971-2.60, 1981- 2.44, 1991-2.34, 2001-2.30 and 2011-2.30. There are arguments that some people are converting to Christianity but are not revealing their religion. This may be true in case of miniscule percentage of dalits, who may not reveal there conversion, as they stand to loose reservation provisions if they convert.

The anti Christian violence is scattered and is below the radar most of the places. There was massive valence in Kandhamal, Orissa, when on the pretext that Christians have murdered Swami Laxmananand, a massive violence was unleashed in 2008. On regular basis prayer meetings of Christians are attacked on the pretext that these are attempts at conversion. While there is a huge demand for the schools and colleges run by Christian groups, in Adivasis areas and remote areas the work of Swamis is on.

Now the trend is to dump Christian traditions. Since Ramnath Kovind became President, the usual practice of Carol Singers visiting Rashtrapati Bhavan has been stopped. In the army retreat so far ‘Abide with me’ by Scottish poet, Henri Francis Lyte, a Christian song, a favourite of Gandhi, has been dropped. The Christian minorities have perceived the threat in various forms. Currently they are as much part of the protests against CAA, NPR and NRIC as any other community.

While statues and identity issues cannot have primacy over the social development issues, it cannot be selective. To oppose Jesus Christ statue while spending fortunes for other statues is a part of the agenda of RSS combine, which is unfolding itself in various forms. opposition to Jesus Christ statue being yet another step in the direction.

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Ram Puniyani
February 22,2020

This January 2020, it is thirty years since the Kashmiri Pundits’ exodus from the Kashmir valley took place. They had suffered grave injustices, violence and humiliation prior to the migration away from the place of their social and cultural roots in Kashmir Valley. The phenomenon of this exodus had been due to the communalization of militancy in Kashmir in the decade of 1980s. While no ruling Government has applied itself enough to ‘solve’ this uprooting of pundits from their roots, there are communal elements who have been aggressively using ‘what about Kashmiri Pundits?’, every time liberal, human rights defenders talk about the plight of Muslim minority in India. This minority is now facing an overall erosion of their citizenship rights.

Time and over again in the aftermath of communal violence in particular, the human rights groups have been trying to put forward the demands for justice and rehabilitation of the victim minority. Instead of being listened to those particularly from Hindu nationalist combine, as a matter of routine shout back, where were you when Kashmiri Pundits were driven away from the Valley? In a way the tragedy being heaped on one minority is being justified in the name of suffering of Pundits and in the process violence is being normalized. This sounds as if two wrongs make a right, as if the suffering Muslim minority or those who are trying to talk in defense of minority rights have been responsible for the pain of Kashmiri Pundits.

During these three, many political formations have come to power, including BJP, Congress, third front and what have you. To begin with when the exodus took place Kashmir was under President’s rule and V. P. Singh Government was in power at the center. This Government had the external support of BJP at that time. Later BJP led NDA came to power for close to six years from 1998, under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Then from 2014 it is BJP, with Narerda Modi as PM, with BJP brute majority is in power. Other components of NDA are there to enjoy some spoils of power without any say in the policies being pursued by the Government. Modi is having absolute power with Amit Shah occasionally presenting Modi’s viewpoints.

Those blurting, ‘what about Kashmiri Pundits?’ are using it as a mere rhetoric to hide their communal color. The matters of Kashmir are very disturbing and cannot be attributed to be the making of Indian Muslims as it is being projected in an overt and subtle manner. Today, of course the steps taken by the Modi Government, that of abrogation of Article 370, abolition of clause 35 A, downgrading the status of Kashmir from a state to union territory have created a situation where the return of Kashmiri Pundits may have become more difficult, as the local atmosphere is more stifling and the leaders with democratic potential have been slapped with Public Safety Act, where they can be interned for long time without any answerability to the Courts. The internet had been suspended, communication being stifled in an atmosphere where democratic freedoms are curtailed which makes solution of any problem more difficult.

Kashmir has been a vexed issue where the suppression of the clause of autonomy, leading to alienation led to rise of militancy. This was duly supported by Pakistan. The entry of Al Qaeda elements, who having played their role against Russian army in 1980s entered into Kashmir and communalized the situation in Kashmir. The initial Kashmir militancy was on the grounds of Kashmiriyat. Kashmiriyat is not Islam, it is synthesis of teachings of Buddha, values of Vedant and preaching’s of Sufi Islam. The tormenting of Kashmiri Pundits begins with these elements entering Kashmir.

Also the pundits, who have been the integral part of Kashmir Valley, were urged upon by Goodwill mission to stay on, with local Muslims promising to counter the anti Pundit atmosphere. Jagmohan, the Governor, who later became a minister in NDA Government, instead of providing security to the Pundits thought, is fit to provide facilities for their mass migration. He could have intensified counter militancy and protected the vulnerable Pundit community. Why this was not done?

Today, ‘What about Kashmiri Pundits?’ needs to be given a serious thought away from the blame game or using it as a hammer to beat the ‘Muslims of India’ or human rights defenders? The previous NDA regime (2014) had thought of setting up enclosures of Pundits in the Valley. Is that a solution? Solution lies in giving justice to them. There is a need for judicial commission to identify the culprits and legal measures to reassure the Pundit community. Will they like to return if the high handed stifling atmosphere, with large number of military being present in the area? The cultural and religious spaces of Pundits need to be revived and Kashmiryat has to be made the base of any reconciliation process.

Surely, the Al Qaeda type elements do not represent the alienation of local Kashmiris, who need to be drawn into the process of dialogue for a peaceful Kashmir, which is the best guarantee for progress in this ex-state, now a Union territory. Communal amity, the hallmark of Kashmir cannot be brought in by changing the demographic composition by settling outsiders in the Valley. A true introspection is needed for this troubled area. Democracy is the only path for solving the emigration of Pundits and also of large numbers of Muslims, who also had to leave the valley due to the intimidating militancy and presence of armed forces in large numbers. One recalls Times of India report of 5th February 1992 which states that militants killed 1585 people from January 1990 to October 1992 out of which 982 were Muslims and 218 Hindus.

We have been taking a path where democratic norms are being stifled, and the promises of autonomy which were part of treaty of accession being ignored. Can it solve the problem of Pundits?

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