Yes, we caught him: Mangaluru top cop confirms arrest of NaMo Naresh, finally

[email protected] (CD Network)
June 26, 2016

Mangaluru, Jun 26: Mangaluru City Police Commissioner M Chandra Sekhar has finally confirmed the arrest of NaMo Brigade leader Naresh Shenoy in connection with the coldblooded murder of Mangaluru based RTI activist Vinayak Baliga.

nareshshenoyEven though rumours over the arrest of Naresh Shenoy have been doing rounds for last couple of days, the top cop said that the former was nabbed only on Sunday (June 26).

Acting on credible information, sleuths of Mangaluru CCB headed by Inspector Valentine D'Souza arrested the 39-year-old absconding murder accused at Hejamadi in Udupi district, Mr Chandra Sekhar told media persons in his office.

The top cop said that Naresh was evading Jammu and Kashmir, Gorakhpur, Lucknow and places bordering Nepal in the last three months.

Mr. Chandra Sekhar said that Shenoy's interrogation is expected to throw more light on the murder of Baliga. Baliga had filed a number of applications before the Mangaluru City Corporation and other departments under the Right to Information Act. He had also filed a suit questioning the financial dealings of Sri Venkataramana Temple on Car Street here.

Mr. Chandra Sekhar said that Baliga's activism is among the reasons for the murder. Ruling out the reported involvement of underworld operative Vikki Shetty in the murder, Mr. Chandra Sekhar said that the murder plan was hatched by Shenoy and executed by three of the arrested persons.

Mr. Sekhar commended the work by Deputy Commissioners of Police K.M. Shantaraju and Sanjeev M. Patil; Assistant Commissioner of Police K. Tilakchandra; inspectors Shantaram, Ravish Nayak, Rajesh, Valentine D'Souza and Maruti Nayak' police sub-inspectors Shyam and police constable Rajendra. These personnel would be rewarded after the submission of the supplementary charge sheet.

The development comes four days after the police filed a preliminary charge sheet in Vinayak Baliga murder case before the III Judicial Magistrate First, listing Naresh as Accused No. 1.

All the remaining six accused have already been arrested by the police and one of them is out on bail.

Naresh, son of M Namadev Shenoy, is the founder of Mangaluru unit of Namo Brigdae, later renamed as Yuva Brigade. Hence, he is popularly known as NaMo Naresh. Naresh was also running an Ayurveda medicine supplying firm at V T Road in Mangaluru.

52-year-old Baliga was brutally murdered near his house at Kodialbail in the city in the wee hours on March 21.

The police first arrested Vineet Poojary, Nishit Devadiga and Shiva alias Shivaprasad, who allegedly murdered Baliga.

Later police arrested photographer K. Manjunath Shenoy alias Manju Neereshwalya for allegedly helping Naresh in evading arrest. On June 18, police arrested Srikant, a close associate of Naresh, who was accused of hiring services of the three assailants.

The alleged inability of the Mangaluru police to nab the prime accused had led to severe discontent in Mangaluru as well as the State. Several protests were held by activists led by rationalist Narendra Nayak and also by family members of Vinayak Baliga demanding arrest of Naresh. They had accused elected representatives of being silent over the inordinate delay in arresting Naresh.

Also Read : Who gave shelter to NaMo Naresh in Jammu, UP and Nepal border?

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Comments

Sathish
 - 
Sunday, 26 Jun 2016

finally.... now we can believe in police a bit.

Satyameva jayate
 - 
Sunday, 26 Jun 2016

Hang him till death and shoot him after death,.....
Ban the group he is linked with.....terror groups

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News Network
February 22,2020

Belagavi, Feb 22: A madrasa in Karnataka’s Belagavi district hosted a Hindu-Muslim mass marriage on its premises on Friday, sending a strong message of communal amity. As many as 76 Muslim couples and 25 Hindu couples entered marital life on the occasion.

Madarsa Al Arabia Anwarul Ulooma, an Islamic religious institute in Bailhongal, 50km from Belagavi district headquarters, played host to the event that was organised by Jamia Faizan-ul-Quran and Issa Foundation, which has conducted mass marriages on a bigger scale in Gujarat.

The mass marriage comes a month after the 100-year-old Cheravally Jamaat Masjid in Kerala’s Kayamkulam in Alappuzha hosted a Hindu wedding, complete with a vegetarian feast for 4,000 people. A Hindu priest led the rituals, and the couple sought the blessings of chief imam Riyasudeen Faizy of the mosque.

At Bailhongal, moulvis and pontiffs led the marriage proceedings and asked the couples to read passages from Quran and Bhagvad Gita.

The Hindu couples were gifted a copy of the Gita, and newly-married Muslim couples received a copy of Quran. The organisers provided each Hindu bride a mangalsutra. Bailhongal MLA Mahantesh Koujalagi blessed the couples at the event, which was attended by more than 4,000 people.

Mohammad Rafique A Naik, a member of Jamia Faizan-ul-Quran, said they have gifted each couple a refrigerator, an almirah and a tailoring machine. Ranjita Kalala, a bride who married a daily-wage labourer, said her family couldn’t afford the cost of a wedding, adding, “When we learnt about the Bailhongal madrassa’s plan, we agreed to sign up because it also sends out a message of communal harmony.”

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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News Network
January 22,2020

Mysuru, Jan 22: Former Chief Minister Siddaramaiah here on Wednesday urged the state government to initiate an unbiased investigation into the Mangaluru airport bomb case.

Addressing media persons here, he said, “The incident has created panic among the public and such incidents are being repeated due to the failure of intelligence agencies of the state”.

On accused Aditya Rao, the suspect in the case, who surrendered before Bengaluru police on Wednesday morning, the senior Congress leader said, “I have not yet gathered complete information about the accused in the case, therefore I would not like to comment about him.”

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