8 SIMI activists killed in 'encounter' after alleged jailbreak

Bengaluru, May 31: In spite of opposition, chief minister BS Yediyurappa has appointed his former personal assistant and maternal grandnephew NR Santosh as his political secretary.

Santosh is the fourth political secretary to the CM besides SR Vishwanath, MP Renukacharya and Shankaranna Munavalli. 

Santosh was arrested for allegedly trying to kidnap Vinay NS, personal assistant of BJP leader KS Eshwarappa in 2017. He's also facing attempt to murder and dowry harassment charges.

The 30-year-old had fallen out with the CM's younger son BY Vijayendra soon after the BJP came to power and had been reportedly asked to keep away from him. He had identified with some MLAs who were up against the CM.

It's said the appointment was made to send out a message to the rivals after some MLAs launched a renewed campaign against Yediyurappa over a dinner meeting at BJP MLA Umesh V Katti's house. 

Though Yediyurappa was not keen, sources said Santosh brought pressure from RSS and some BJP leaders, whose help he had sought to reunite with the family. 

Santosh from Tumakuru is the son of the CM's sister's daughter. He was Yediyurappa's Man Friday and his job was confined to ensuring he took his medicines on time.

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

Bengaluru, Jan 19: Karnataka Chief Minister B S Yediyurappa on Sunday said he has had detailed discussions with BJP National President Amit Shah on the cabinet expansion and that the exercise would be carried out after his return from Davos.

The Chief Minister told reporters before leaving for Davos to attend the World Economic Forum meet that he hoped his visit would help bring in large-scale investments to the state. "On cabinet expansion, I had detailed discussions for about half-an-hour (with Amit Shah on Saturday), got a good response... one or two days after I come from Davos, I will expand the cabinet. There are no stumbling blocks for it", Yediyurappa said.

He also rubbished media reports about a lack of clarity on the Ministry expansion. "It is not right... there are no issues", he said.

Asked whether he would travel to Delhi to meet Shah after returning from Davos, Yediyurappa merely said, "It is natural for me to meet Amit Shah." According to the Chief Minister's tour programme, he will be back in the city on January 24.

Yediyurappa, along with Union ministers Piyush Goyal and Mansukh Mandaviya, as well as Chief Ministers Amarinder Singh of Punjab and Kamal Nath of Madhya Pradesh, are among those expected to join over 100 Indian CEOs at Davos in the coming days for the WEF's 50th annual meeting.

Stating that he was leaving on a four day trip for Davos with an aim to bring investments to the state, he said interactions have been fixed with 38 industrialists and investors. "There is a large possibility of investments coming to the state from meetings during the WEF meet. I will assure industrialists and investors that the government will give all necessary facilities within our limits and also clear all the doubts that they have," the Chief Minister said. He said employment opportunities in Karnataka would increase due to all these efforts.

Claiming that the economic situation in Karnataka was stable despite the global economic slowdown, he said the state was also organising the Global Investors Meet in November to attract industries and create employment opportunities.

The delegation led by Yediyurappa includes Industries Minister Jagadish Shettar, Chief Secretary T M Vijaya Bhaskar and top officials of the state government. The Chief Minister, who was anxiously waiting for the high command's nod to expand his ministry amid intense lobbying by the aspirants, was keen on getting approval for it from Shah, but was asked to visit Delhi after returning from Davos, party sources said.

They also said that with J P Nadda all set to take over as BJP National President, he would have final discussions with Yediyurappa on the Ministry expansion exercise. S R Vishwanath, Political Secretary to the Chief Minister too said that Yediyurappa would go to Delhi after his return from Davos and immediately expand the Ministry.

He said the Chief Minister has been asked to hold discussions with Nadda, who is currently BJPs National Working President and finalise things.

As the Chief Minister has already made it clear that 11 of the disqualified JDS-Congress MLAs who got re-elected in the bypolls on BJP tickets will be made ministers, lobbying has been on in the party for the remaining ministerial berths. Currently, there are 18 Ministers, including the Chief Minister in the cabinet that has a sanctioned strength of 34.

However, with some reports that the high command may not be keen on making all the 11 re-elected legislators, whom Yediyurappa has given assurance, as Ministers, it remains to be seen how things turn out. Cabinet expansion will not be an easy task for the Chief Minister as he will have to strike a balance by accommodating the victorious disqualified legislators as promised and also make a place for old guards, upset at being "neglected" in the first round of the induction exercise.

He also has to give adequate representation to various castes and regions in his cabinet and also deal with the allocation of key portfolios. Also, disqualified legislators who lost on a BJP ticket during the bypolls like A H Vishwanath (Hunsur) openly expressing their ministerial aspirations has added to the Chief Minister's worry.