Mangaluru goes cashless; common man's struggles continue on 6th day

[email protected] (CD Network | Suresh)
November 14, 2016

Mangaluru, Nov 14: Even six days after the abolishment of Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes, the coastal city of Mangaluru has failed to recover from the unexpected shock.

bankque 5

In fact, the demonetization move has affected pretty much every sphere of life — from getting provisions and eating out, to making routine payments such as rent and salaries to domestic help.

While making announcement of demonetization, the government has assured that banks would work on weekends too for exchange of notes. Ironically, on week days too the banks and ATMs are functioning partially thanks to scarcity of notes.

The government on Monday has extended the usage of existing Rs.500 and Rs.1,000 notes for select transactions till 24 November from the earlier deadline of 14 November.

This means that people can now use these notes at government hospitals, government-run cooperative shops, air-ticket counters, milk booths, petrol stations, international airports, to buy tickets at railway stations, to pay for medicines in government and private medical shops, to get cooking gas cylinders, and to pay court fees till 24 November. 

However, thanks to the scarcity of change, the government's relaxation has not improved the situation in the city.

No change in bunks

Petrol bunks are accepting old Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes, but you can only fill up for amounts in increments of Rs 500. The reason is that the bunk employees don't have Rs 100 notes to return as change. So if you want to fill fuel for, say, Rs 200, chances are you won't get Rs 300 back.

Market Woes

The future for hundreds of vegetable, fruits and other household merchants, who supply daily needs to entire city is in quandary. "From Sunday onwards I have stopped the purchasing of goods and will resume when everything turns to normalcy," says worried vegetable merchant Peter D'Souza.

Abdul Salam, wholesale fruit merchant at the market shares that they have given goods in credit to regular customers. "Since all are transactions are done in Rs 500 and Rs 1000 currency, we have no other way out. For some we have given credit and asked our suppliers to wait for some days to clear their dues," he maintains.

Other merchants complain that they don't have enough change to tender with customers. "All customers are giving us Rs 2000 note. If they make business of Rs 200 or Rs 300, we have to give them change in Rs 100 notes. How can it be possible when bank themselves don't have Rs 100 notes," adds another lemon merchant.

Comments

ibbu Saheb
 - 
Monday, 14 Nov 2016

ACCHE DIN AAGAYE... AUR BI ACCHE DIN ANE WALE HAI...
SO KEEP YOUR ENERGY FOR MORE AND MORE ACCHE DIN...

Rikaz
 - 
Monday, 14 Nov 2016

Be patient, Mr. Modi said it would take 50 days.....after 50 days they will withdrew 2,000 and re-initiate new 1,000 currency....wait and see....

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News Network
April 18,2020

Mangaluru, Apr 18: A case has been registered against a man for spreading communal hatred by sharing objectionable and sensitive posts on social media, Commissioner of Police Harsha said here on Saturday.

In Twitter Mr Harsha wrote, ” We have registered a case against a person claiming himself as Vishwa, Mangalore for making Statements promoting enmity and hatred between communities on social media with crime number 46/20 at the south police station under 505 IPC.”

He further warned, “We will not spare anyone trying to disturb communal harmony in the district.”

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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coastaldigest.com news network
July 8,2020

Mangaluru, July 8: Dakshina Kannada on Wednesday recorded its highest single-day spike in Covid-19 cases with 183 cases reported in the district, while Udupi reported 31 new cases.

DK also recorded two more fatalities – both patients with co-morbid conditions — taking the total death toll in the district to 28. Udupi has recorded three Covid-19 deaths.

The fresh spike saw total positive cases in DK shoot up to 1,542 and active cases to 819. As many as 12 patients were discharged from hospital on Wednesday. The positivity rate in the district now stands at 0.07 %. Health authorities as on date have received 22,181 samples and 20,153 out of 21,695 samples tested have turned out negative.

MLA’s gunman tests positive

The gunman assigned to former minister U T Khader tested positive on Wednesday and three others who were with him in the escort vehicle have been quarantined, said city police commissioner Vikash Kumar Vikash. A section of police commissioner’s office was shut for sanitisation as per protocol after staff working there were treated as primary contacts. The office per se has not been sealed contrary to ‘reports’ doing rounds in social media, he said.

Deputy commissioner Sindhu B Rupesh said the district reported two deaths — one late on Tuesday and the other during the day. The victims are a 57-year-old man and 32-year-old youth. Two of the 183 cases were secondary contacts, 25 were cases of influenza like illness, four cases of SARI, one a case of inter district travel, two with interstate travel, five with international travel history, 22 random samples and five pre-surgery samples.

Udupi district recorded 31 new cases taking the total positive cases recorded as on date to 1,421. Discharge of 1,189 patients meant that Udupi has 229 active cases.

Meanwhile, Kota Shrinivas Poojari, minister for fisheries on Wednesday inaugurated the Covid-19 lab at district hospital in Udupi. Karkala MLA Sunil Kumar inaugurated ambulance monitoring system to ensure expeditious transfer of infected patients to designated treatment centres.

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