PFI provoking youths in Coastal Karnataka to join extremist outfits: Shobha

Bengaluru, Jan 5: A day after senior Congress leaders in Karnataka met to build consensus for the way ahead, the race for the post of KPCC President hotted up on Sunday with aspirants and their supporters stepping up efforts to secure the coveted posts.

Senior leader D K Shivakumar, seen as a frontrunner for the post, met former Chief Minister Siddaramaiah at his residence amid reports that he was lobbying in favour of one of his confidants.

Meanwhile, another senior party legislator Satish Jarkiholi made it clear he was capable of discharging the responsibility if the high command asked him to do so.

Also, loyalists of senior leader and former Minister Ramalinga Reddy came up with social media posts, pushing forward his name for KPCC President.

Congress Legislature Party leader Siddaramaiah and state Congress chief Dinesh Gundu Rao quit their posts after the party fared poorly, winning only two of the 15 seats in the bypolls while it had held 12 of them.

According to party sources, though Siddaramaiah is likely to retain the position of Leader of Opposition, the CLP leader post may be given to some one else.

The sources also said replacement of KPCC President was most likely as Dinesh Gundu Rao's resignation could be accepted.

Shivakumar is seen as the frontrunner for the KPCC President post and has already held discussions with high command in this regard.

His meeting with Siddaramaiah, who is expected to travel to Delhi soon to hold discussions with the high command, assumes significance amid reports that the former chief minister was favouring one of his confidants for the post.

Shivakumar during the meeting sought Siddaramaiah's cooperation for his appointment to the coveted post, with a promise to work under his leadership, sources said.

However, speaking to reporters after the meeting, Shivakumar said he had worked under Siddaramaiah as legislator and Minister, and there was nothing special about the nearly two-hour-long meeting.

"...Im not a competitor for any post, I won't ask for any post, that time is over. I'm a karyakarta of the party and will work as karyakarta," he said in response to a question, adding he will abide by the party's decision.

On the other hand, Congressleader andYamakanamaradi MLASatish Jarkiholi said he was ready to take up the responsibility if the party high command decides so.

"It has been decided to cooperate and work under the leadership of anyone, whom the party high command decides (as President). Let's see, it is for the high command to decide (who will be KPCC President)," he said.

In response to a question from reporters in Belagavi if he was aspiring for the post, Jarikholi said, "I havent asked, but if given I will manage it efficiently..."

Meanwhile, loyalist of seven-time Congress MLA Ramalinga Reddy, came up with a social media post, demanding KPCC President post for the leader.

"Seven-time @INCKarnataka MLA and former Home Minister Sri @RLR_BTM for #KPCC President. #Congress #Karnataka #RamalingaReddy #BTMLayout #BBMP #Bengaluru," former Mayor of Bengaluru City and a close confidant of Reddy, B N Manjunatha Reddy tweeted.

Last year during the political turmoil faced by the coalition government, Ramalinga Reddy had threatened to resign, unhappy at being sidelined in the party.

He had later decided to stay with the Congress after the high command intervened.

With a virtual vacuum in the state Congress following the resignation of its top leadership after the rout in the recent Assembly bypolls, senior party leaders had met here on Saturday with an aim to build a consensus for the way ahead.

According to sources, the meeting was convened after instructions from the high command to iron out differences and build consensus on taking the party forward and regarding appointments to key posts, before coming to Delhi for discussions.

Senior leader K H Muniyappa and KPCC Working President Eshwar Khandreare seen as the other aspirants for the President post.

Ssenior leaders G Parameshwara along with H K Patil are among those seen as the frontrunners for the CLP leader post vacated by Siddaramaiah.

In the beginning of January 2020 two very disturbing events were reported from Pakistan. One was the attack on Nankana Sahib, the holy shrine where Sant Guru Nanak was born. While one report said that the place has been desecrated, the other stated that it was a fight between two Muslim groups. Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan condemned the incident and the main accused Imran Chisti was arrested. The matter related to abduction and conversion of a Sikh girl Jagjit Kaur, daughter of Pathi (One who reads Holy Guru Granth Sahib in Gurudwara) of the Gurudwara. In another incident one Sikh youth Ravinder Singh, who was out on shopping for his marriage, was shot dead in Peshawar.

While these condemnable attacks took place on the Sikh minority in Pakistan, BJP was quick enough to jump to state that it is events like this which justify the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Incidentally CAA is the Act which is discriminatory and relates to citizenship with Religion, which is not as per the norms of Indian constitution. There are constant debates and propaganda that population of Hindus has come down drastically in Pakistan and Bangla Desh. Amit Shah, the Home minister stated that in Pakistan the population of Hindus has come down from 23% at the time of partition to 3.7% at present. And in Bangla Desh it has come down from 22% to present 8%.

While not denying the fact that the religious minorities are getting a rough deal in both these countries, the figures which are presented are totally off the mark. These figures don’t take into consideration the painful migrations, which took place at the time of partition and formation of Bangla Desh later. Pakistan census figures tell a different tale. Their first census was held in 1951. As per this census the overall percentage of Non Muslim in Pakistan (East and West together) was 14.2%, of this in West Pakistan (Now Pakistan) it was 3.44 and in Eat Pakistan it was 23.2. In the census held in Pakistan 1998 it became 3.72%. As far as Bangla Desh is concerned the share of Non Muslims has gone down from 23.2 (1951) to 9.6% in 2011.

The largest minority of Pakistan is Ahmadis, (https://minorityrights.org/country/pakistan/) who are close to 4 Million and are not recognised as Muslims in Pakistan. In Bangla Desh the major migrations of Hindus from Bangla Desh took place in the backdrop of Pakistan army’s atrocities in the then East Pakistan.

As far as UN data on refugees in India it went up by 17% between 2016-2019 and largest numbers were from Tibet and Sri Lanka.  (https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publication…)

The state of minorities is in a way the index of strength of democracy. Most South Asian Countries have not been able to sustain democratic values properly. In Pakistan, the Republic began with Jinnah’s classic speech where secularism was to be central credo of Pakistan. This 11th August speech was in a way what the state policy should be, as per which people of all faiths are free to practice their religion. Soon enough the logic of ‘Two Nation theory” and formation of Pakistan, a separate state for Muslim took over. Army stepped in and dictatorship was to reign there intermittently. Democratic elements were suppressed and the worst came when Zia Ul Haq Islamized the state in collusion with Maulanas. The army was already a strong presence in Pakistan. The popular formulation for Pakistan was that it is ruled by three A’s, Army, America and Allah (Mullah).

Bangla Desh had a different trajectory. Its very formation was a nail in the coffin of ‘two nation theory’; that religion can be the basis of a state. Bangla Desh did begin as a secular republic but communal forces and secular forces kept struggling for their dominance and in 1988 it also became Islamic republic. At another level Myanmar, in the grip of military dictatorship, with democratic elements trying to retain their presence is also seeing a hard battle. Democracy or not, the army and Sanghas (Buddhist Sang has) are strong, in Myanmar as well. The most visible result is persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

Similar phenomenon is dominating in Sri Lanka also where Budhhist Sanghas and army have strong say in the political affairs, irrespective of which Government is ruling. Muslim and Christian minorities are a big victim there, while Tamils (Hindus, Christians etc.) suffered the biggest damage as ethnic and religious minorities. India had the best prospect of democracy, pluralism and secularism flourishing here. The secular constitution, the outcome of India’s freedom struggle, the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru did ensure the rooting of democracy and secularism in a strong way.

India so far had best democratic credentials amongst all the south Asian countries. Despite that though the population of minorities rose mainly due to poverty and illiteracy, their overall marginalisation was order of the day, it went on worsening with the rise of communal forces, with communal forces resorting to identity issues, and indulging in propaganda against minorities.

While other South Asian countries should had followed India to focus more on infrastructure and political culture of liberalism, today India is following the footsteps of Pakistan. The retrograde march of India is most visible in the issues which have dominated the political space during last few years. Issues like Ram Temple, Ghar Wapasi, Love Jihad, Beef-Cow are now finding their peak in CAA.

India’s reversal towards a polity with religion’s identity dominating the political scene was nicely presented by the late Pakistani poetess Fahmida Riaz in her poem, Tum bhi Hum Jaise Nikle (You also turned out to be like us). While trying to resist communal forces has been an arduous task, it is becoming more difficult by the day. This phenomenon has been variously called, Fundamentalism, Communalism or religious nationalism among others. Surely it has nothing to do with the religion as practiced by the great Saint and Sufi traditions of India; it resorts mainly to political mobilization by using religion as a tool.