Mangaluru: Veteran Islamic scholar Maulana Syed Yusuf passes away

Bengaluru, May 19: Karnataka on Tuesday recorded the highest single-day rise in the COVID-19 cases in the state as a whooping 149 people tested positive for the virus. With the spike in new cases, the overall tally has risen to 1,395.

This is for the first time the state recorded 100 plus cases in a single day. So far, 40 people have also succumbed to the virus including three deaths today. 

The new deaths consist of a 61-year-old male patient, a resident of Ballari; a 65-year-old male patient, a resident of Vijayapura; and a 54-year-old male patient from Bengaluru.

Among the new cases, a maximum of 71 are reported from Mandya, followed by 22 in Davanagere, 10 in Shivamogga, 13 in Kalaburgi, six in Bengaluru Urban, four each in Udupi and Uttara Kannada, five in Chikkamagaluru, three in Hassan and one each in Yadagiri, Chitradurga, Vijayapura, Gadag.

Most of the new cases are of the people who traveled to Mumbai in Maharashtra, Solapur, Ahmedabad, and Kerala.

The remaining are those who came in contact with the people who had tested positive earlier.

At present, 811 people are actively taking treatment, while 543 have been discharged after recovery.

Jan 13: For the first time in years, the government of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi is playing defense. Protests have sprung up across the country against an amendment to India’s laws — which came into effect on Friday — that makes it easier for members of some religions to become citizens of India. The government claims this is simply an attempt to protect religious minorities in the Muslim-majority countries that border India; but protesters see it as the first step toward a formal repudiation of India’s constitutionally guaranteed secularism — and one that must be resisted.

Modi was re-elected prime minister last year with an enhanced majority; his hold over the country’s politics is absolute. The formal opposition is weak, discredited and disorganized. Yet, somehow, the anti-Citizenship Act protests have taken hold. No political party is behind them; they are generally arranged by student unions, neighborhood associations and the like.

Yet this aspect of their character is precisely what will worry Modi and his right-hand man, Home Minister Amit Shah. They know how to mock and delegitimize opposition parties with ruthless efficiency. Yet creating a narrative that paints large, flag-waving crowds as traitors is not quite that easy.

For that is how these protests look: large groups of young people, many carrying witty signs and the national flag. They meet and read the preamble to India’s Constitution, into which the promise of secularism was written in the 1970’s.

They carry photographs of the Constitution’s drafter, the Columbia University-trained economist and lawyer B. R. Ambedkar. These are not the mobs the government wanted. They hoped for angry Muslims rampaging through the streets of India’s cities, whom they could point to and say: “See? We must protect you from them.” But, in spite of sometimes brutal repression, the protests have largely been nonviolent.

One, in Shaheen Bagh in a Muslim-dominated sector of New Delhi, began simply as a set of local women in a square, armed with hot tea and blankets against the chill Delhi winter. It has now become the focal point of a very different sort of resistance than what the government expected. Nothing could cure the delusions of India’s Hindu middle class, trained to see India’s Muslims as dangerous threats, as effectively as a group of otherwise clearly apolitical women sipping sweet tea and sharing their fears and food with anyone who will listen.

Modi was re-elected less than a year ago; what could have changed in India since then? Not much, I suspect, in most places that voted for him and his party — particularly the vast rural hinterland of northern India. But urban India was also possibly never quite as content as electoral results suggested. India’s growth dipped below 5% in recent quarters; demand has crashed, and uncertainty about the future is widespread. Worse, the government’s response to the protests was clearly ill-judged. University campuses were attacked, in one case by the police and later by masked men almost certainly connected to the ruling party.

Protesters were harassed and detained with little cause. The courts seemed uninterested. And, slowly, anger began to grow on social media — not just on Twitter, but also on Instagram, previously the preserve of pretty bowls of salad. Instagram is the one social medium over which Modi’s party does not have a stranglehold; and it is where these protests, with their photogenic signs and flags, have found a natural home. As a result, people across urban India who would never previously have gone to a demonstration or a political rally have been slowly politicized.

India is, in fact, becoming more like a normal democracy. “Normal,” that is, for the 2020’s. Liberal democracies across the world are politically divided, often between more liberal urban centers and coasts, and angrier, “left-behind” hinterlands. Modi’s political secret was that he was that rare populist who could unite both the hopeful cities and the resentful countryside. Yet this once magic formula seems to have become ineffective. Five of India’s six largest cities are not ruled by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party in any case — the financial hub of Mumbai changed hands recently. The BJP has set its sights on winning state elections in Delhi in a few weeks. Which way the capital’s voters will go is uncertain. But that itself is revealing — last year, Modi swept all seven parliamentary seats in Delhi.

In the end, the Citizenship Amendment Act is now law, the BJP might manage to win Delhi, and the protests might die down as the days get unmanageably hot and state repression increases. But urban India has put Modi on notice. His days of being India’s unifier are over: From now on, like all the other populists, he will have to keep one eye on the streets of his country’s cities.

Bengaluru, Jul 11: Karantaka Congress chief DK Shivakumar on Friday raised questions over claims that Rewa Ultra Mega Solar Power Project Madhya Pradesh was "largest in Asia" and said a 2000 MW had been built in the state.

"BJP central government is claiming today that it inaugurated Asia's largest solar plant of 750 MW at Rewa, MP. What then is the 2000 MW Solar Plant in Pavagada, Karnataka which was built in just 3 years by Karnataka Congress government and has been operational since 2018?" Shivakumar said in a tweet.

The Congress leader further said that the most unique thing about the solar project set up in Karnataka was that the farmers were being paid yearly rents for the land upon which it was constructed as it had been leased and not purchased from them, helping them retain ownership.

"The unique thing about the 2000 MW Pavagada Mega Solar Park was that not a single acre of land was acquired from the farmers. All 13,000 acres have been leased from the farmers who are being given yearly rent. Karnataka model of renewable energy was accepted as the best in India," he said.

"Union power minister must answer as to how the Central Government can claim that the Rewa Solar Park (750 MW) opened today is Asia's largest when clearly the Pavagada Park in Karnataka is much larger (2000 MW) and was opened two years back!" he said.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi dedicated Rewa Ultra Mega Solar Power Project to the nation on Friday.