Datta Jayanti: Tension grips Chikkamagaluru as saffron leaders spit communal venom

News Network
November 27, 2017

Chikkamagaluru, Nov 27: Provocative statements by leaders of Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal ahead of Datta Jayanti programme at the historic Baba Budangiri darga site on the outskirts of the city has created a tense atmosphere in the communally sensitive region.

The activists of VHP and BD are also organising bike rallies in different parts of Chikkamangaluru district to mobilise people for the three-day saffron event beginning on December 1. With the Assembly elections coming soon, the programme has gained significance.

The saffron outfit leaders have been repeatedly saying that they would exhibit their strength on December 3 in Baba Budangiri. A Bajrang Dal leader on Saturday warned that the December 6 incident (Babri mosque demolition) may recur in Baba Budangiri too if Muslims failed to voluntarily shift their graves from the site. SDPI has demanded the police to arrest those who deliver provocative speeches.

Leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which has been demanding that the Baba Budan Dargah is declared a Hindu shrine, are also participating in bike rallies. 

VHP and Bajrang Dal leaders have often said that they would mobilise good crowds for the programme this year and pressurise the State government to declare the shrine a place of worship for Hindus.

In view of the three-day event, the Chikkamagaluru district administration has imposed prohibitory orders as per various sections of the Criminal Procedure Code. Those participating in the rally or procession have been restricted from carrying weapons and raising objectionable slogans.

Deputy Commissioner M.K. Srirangaiah has said that the administration will make arrangements for providing basic facilities for the devotees visiting the shrine during the event. Carrying cameras and phones inside the shrine has been banned.

Meanwhile, the district administration has put a restriction on tourists’ visit to places around Baba Budangiri Darga for three days from December 1, in view of the Datta Jayanti.

Srirangaiah has issued a press release stating that no tourists would be allowed to Baba Budangiri, Mullayyanagiri and other places in the hilly ranges. Similarly, movement of long chassis vehicle on the narrow roads connecting these places has also been stopped.

The Datta Mala Abhiyana that began on November 24 will conclude on December 3 when the devotees visit Baba Budangiri for the “religious” programme. Prior to that, the organisers will take out a Sankeertana Yatra on December 1 and Shobha Yatra on December 2.

Comments

shahid
 - 
Wednesday, 29 Nov 2017

At the end of the day both are face of same coin. Even this people are confused whose shrine it is. Dargah or Durgah both are same 

Wake UP
 - 
Monday, 27 Nov 2017

Im sure no upper caste RSS will be on field and those who give such hateful speech will be infront of camera and shout . after shouting they will hide until damage is done by the people who doesnt want to use their God given intellect and stay away from evil disturbance in the society.

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News Network
April 15,2020

Mangaluru, Apr 15: Dakshina Kannada Deputy Commissioner Sindhu Rupesh has written to her counterpart at Valsad to make food and accommodation arrangements for two persons from Puttur who are stranded at Ambergaon village in their district due to lockdown.

Valsad is a district near Gujarat-Maharashtra border.

Ashik Hussain and Mohammed Takeen Maril, have been stuck at the RTO check post of Ambergaon for the last 21 days. The duo have been staying in their car, without proper accommodation or food.

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coastaldigest.com news network
May 19,2020

Mangaluru, May 19: An Indian expatriate worker hailing from Karnataka’s Dakshina Kannada district, who was undergoing treatment for covid-19, passed away in Kuwait.

He is survived by his wife, a son, and a daughter. His family resides at Kashimath, Vittal in Bantwal taluk.

According to sources, he was unwell for past one month and had been diagnosed with covid-19 infection.

The last rites were conducted in Kuwait. Under the guidance of the priests of the local church, prayer and other last rituals were performed at his home in Bantwal.

He had visited this hometown last year for the wedding of his daughter, sources said.

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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