Saffron groups’ protest turns violent in Kumta; IGP’s car set on fire

Varanasi, Feb 17: For the first time, the Indian Railways has reserved a seat for a deity on a train. The national transporter, which launched its third IRCTC operated train named Kashi Mahakal Express from Varanasi to Indore, has reserved a seat for Lord Mahakal (Lord Shiva) on board.

Speaking to media, Northern Railway spokesperson Deepak Kumar said: "It is for the first time that a seat has been left reserved for a deity."

"One seat in Kashi Mahakal Express (seat number 64 in B5 coach) has been left reserved for Lord Shiva," he said.

"Even a temple has been drawn on the seat to make people aware that the seat is reserved for Lord Mahakal," he said.

IRCTC's Director, Tourism, Rajni Hasija said that the practice would continue beyond the inaugural run.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi flagged off the Kashi Mahakal Express via video conferencing from Varanasi, where he is all launched several projects worth Rs 1,250 crore during the day's visit to his parliamentary constituency.

The third IRCTC train, after the two Tejas Express trains on New Delhi-Lucknow and Mumbai-Ahmedabad routes, the Kashi Mahakal Express will connect three places -- Jyotirlinga-Omkareshwar (near Indore), Mahakaleshwar (Ujjain) and Kashi Vishwanath (at Varanasi).

Also connecting the industrial and educational hub of Indore, with Bhopal, the train will begin its commercial run from February 20.

"The Kashi Mahakal Express will operate three days in a week and it will be a bi-weekly service through the Sultanpur-Lucknow route and a weekly service via the Prayagraj route," Kumar said.

Elaborating on the two routes from which the train will pass every week, Hasija said: "Once the new train starts its regular run from this week, it will depart from Varanasi at 2.45 p.m. every Tuesday and Thursday to reach Indore at 9.40 a.m. on Wednesday and Friday.

Similarly, the train will start from Indore at 10.55 a.m. every Wednesday and Friday and will reach Varanasi at 6.00 a.m. the next day. This train will have stoppages at Ujjain, Sant Hirdaram Nagar, Bina, Jhansi, Kanpur and Sultanpur stations in both directions.

Meanwhile, in the weekly service via Prayagraj route, the Kashi Mahakal Express will depart from Varanasi at 3.15 p.m. every Sunday to reach Indore at 9.40 a.m. the next day. On the other way, it will depart from Indore at 10.55 a.m. every Monday and reach Varanasi at 5 a.m. the next day.

"This train will halt at Ujjain, Sant Hirdaram Nagar, Bina, Jhansi, Kanpur and Allahabad stations in both directions," Kumar said.

Explaining the fares of the Kashi Mahakal Express, Hasija said, "Kashi Mahakal Express will follow a dynamic fare structure like the other two Tejas Express trains."

One-way journey from Varnasi to Indore will cost Rs 1,951, inclusive of four meals.

According to the IRCTC officials, the Indore-Varanasi Kashi Mahakal Express will be the first private train that will run overnight and for a comfortable long distance journey, will feature a host of facilities. The IRCTC will serve vegetarian food, and provide housekeeping services, on-board security services and bedrolls.

The IRCTC officials said that passengers will also get complementary insurance of Rs 10 lakh.

The train will have an advance reservation period of 120 days and will only have the general and foreign tourist quotas. The current booking will be available to the passengers on the platform itself after preparation of first chart, four hours to five minutes before the scheduled departure of the train.

To facilitate travel for pilgrims, the IRCTC is also introducing special tour packages for passengers who want to see the pilgrim centres enroute. The tour options are; Mahakal Darshan (Ujjain - Omkareshwar), Bhopal-Sanchi-Bhimbetka, Malwa Jyotrilinga Darshan (Ujjain-Omkareshwar- Maheshwar- Indore) and Bhopal-Sanchi-Bhimbetka-Ujjain. Other tour options include Kashi, Ayodhya and Prayag; Kashi Darshan; Kashi, Prayag, Ayodhya; Kashi and Prayag and only Kashi.

The train has silent features like CCTV cameras, which will be monitored online around the clock from the IRCTC centres, whereas for the first time the IRCTC has brought the marshals in the train for passengers safety and also to make people aware to not smoke inside the train as it has smoke and heat sensors installed in the coaches as well as in the bathroom. For the blind passengers, the train coaches have the seat numbers written in Braille, and the catering staff will be dressed in yellow kurta-pyjamas with a rudraksh malas on their necks to promote the train's theme.

Bengaluru, Jun 8: The Janata Dal (Secular) on Monday announced that former Prime Minister HD Deve Gowda has decided to contest the forthcoming Rajya Sabha elections.

"Former Prime Minister HD Deve Gowda has decided to contest the Rajya Sabha elections at the request of our party legislators, Congress President Sonia Gandhi and many other leaders of the country. Tomorrow, he will be filing nomination for the election. Thanks to the former PM for agreeing to everyone's consensus," JDS leader HD Kumaraswamy said.

The elections to fill the vacant 18 Rajya Sabha seats from seven states are scheduled to be held on June 19.

Four Rajya Sabha seats are up for grabs in the state, Congress has already nominated senior leader Mallikarjun Kharge as its candidate.

The ruling BJP will field candidates for two seats.

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.