Missing the point: What the protesters against the Kathua rape-murder haven’t got it right?

Samvartha ‘Sahil’ | coastaldigest.com
April 16, 2018

The rape of a minor in Kathua in Jammu and Kashmir, followed by her brutal murder has gained the attention of India, even if it is after three months. In these three months the civil (?) societies, the lawyers, the politicians belonging to the right wing in Jammu have without any hesitation come out in public to shield the perpetrators. These facts when brought to light, the liberals of India rightly got enraged as much as they got outraged on hearing about the rape of the minor girl belonging to the Bakarwal community, a nomadic tribe.

While nothing better than supporting perpetrators could be expected from the right wing, my disappointment is with the liberals, though I believe that the protest being registered is a necessary gesture. Here I would just like to list my disappointments…

Firstly, the case of Kathua and Unnao, though barbaric and unacceptable, are being mentioned in one breath as if they are similar. No, they aren't, even when both of them are inhumane. The question how will be answered through my elaboration of the other disappointments.

The case of Kathua temple rape is not being communalized and politicized by the ones underlining the religious and political identity of the girl. The rape happened because of her religious and political identity. So if anyone brought religion and politics into this, it is not those who are highlighting the identity markers but those who perpetrated violence. The cry of some liberals requesting to not make the incident “about religion and politics,” marks their ignorance of the details in this case.

The issue of Kathua cannot be seen in isolation, distancing it from the history of rape used as a weapon by the Indian state in Kashmir and on Kahsmiri people. Had the girl been raped for being a girl alone, we could have spoken only about humanity and patriarchy. But since she was raped for being a Muslim and a Kahsmiri, let’s talk primarily about the state of minorities and the way Indian state has conducted itself in Kahsmir, especially with relation to women.

Amidst all this, I fail to understand the tweets of people like Javed Akhtar who wants to remind people of the ways in which Bakarwal people showed their loyalty to India and asking us to be in solidarity with the victim. The question to be asked is, what if Bakarwal people were anti-Army? In that case would Javed sahab be okay with the rape? Or does he want us to be okay with rape?

The issue of Kathua rape and murder, for many liberals, has become a scoring point against the Bharateeya Janatha Party. I have no doubts about the BJP being a disgrace to democracy, which one needs to get rid of. But I find it morally disturbing when the issue of Kathua rape is being used to churn anti-BJP public opinion alone. If at all the Kathua incident has troubled the Indian liberals then it should enable them to see the connection between the Kashmir dispute and the rape and murder of Kathua. To see it as a symbol of the maliciousness of BJP alone is to not understand the context of the Kathua rape and murder. Restricting the discussion to the role of BJP alone is parking the vehicle mid-way and aborting the truth before one has arrived at it completely. More importantly it will be dilution of the matter. The interconnectedness between occupation of Kashmir and the Kathua incident exists beneath the surface and one more round of scratching is enough to reach there. Very hesitantly I make this statement: If intelligence is a slave to convenience, then it is not just a moral corruption but also a sign of opportunism.

The liberal discourse around Kathua has been reeking of poverty of understanding, knowledge, sensitivity and imagination too. In extreme conditions of history, such as this, to be a liberal centrist is to let down the victims and let violence continue on the socially, politically vulnerables.

If the Indian liberals are actually horrified, as they claim to be, then the question is if the Indian liberals will at least now acknowledge Kunan Poshpora and innumerable such rapes in Kashmir (Handwara, Shopian, Islamabad, Trehgam, Doda etc) orchestrated and conducted by the Indian army? Will they stop seeing the Kathua incident out of context? If not then the liberals need to reimagine their politics.

 

[Samvartha ‘Sahil’ is a freelance writer based out of Manipal, Karnataka. An alumnus of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi and the Film and Television Institute of India, Pune he has earlier worked as an academician at Manipal University and as a journalist with The Hindu. He is a columnist with The State now and earlier with Karavali Karnataka and Kannada Prabha. His book on the travel experiences in Jammu and Kashmir during the 2016 uprising is about to be published by the Karnataka Sahitya Akademi.]

Comments

Danish
 - 
Monday, 16 Apr 2018

Still, the protests are not in organised form and failed to meet its goal. Diverts from the actual goal.. It became just to vandalise properties in many states

Unknown
 - 
Monday, 16 Apr 2018

Along with protests, there is some moves to defame entire india with some photoshoped images.. People already started to send those with some fake msgs like BBC carried etc. Because of Modi and almost all perveted minds of BJP shaming entire country.

justiceforasifa
 - 
Monday, 16 Apr 2018

ಆಶಿಫಾಳ್ ಸಾವಿನ ಸುತ್ತ ನೂರೆಂಟು ಸಂಶಯದ ಹುತ್ತ

 

ನಮ್ಮ ದೇಶದ ಕಾನೂನಿನ ಪ್ರಕಾರ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರಕ್ಕೊಳಗಾದ ಹೆಣ್ಣಿನ ಹೆಸರು ಐಡೆಂಟಿಟಿ ಬಹಿರಂಗಗೊಳಿಸುವುದು ಕಾನೂನುಬಾಹಿರ. ಆದರೆ ಹೆಣ್ಣಿನ ಧರ್ಮ/ಜಾತಿ ಬಹಿರಂಗಗೊಳಿಸುವುದು ಕಡ್ಡಾಯ!! ಶಭಾಶ್. ಯಾಕಂದ್ರೆ ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರಕ್ಕೊಳಗಾದ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿ ಮುಖ್ಯವೇ ಅಲ್ಲ. ಅವರ ಜಾತಿ ಧರ್ಮವೇ ಮುಖ್ಯ. ಅದೇ ತಾನೆ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಲಾಭ ನಷ್ಟಗಳಿಗೆ ಮೂಲ!?

ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ಆರೋಪ ಎದುರಿಸುತ್ತಿರುವ ಆರೋಪಿಯ ಪರ ಸಾವಿರಾರು ವಕೀಲರು ರಸ್ತೆಗಿಳಿದು ಹೋರಾಟ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆಂದರೆ ಈ ಪ್ರಕರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಕಷ್ಟು ಗೊಂದಲಗಳಿವೆ ಮತ್ತು ಸುಳ್ಳಾರೋಪ ಕೋಡಾ ಇರ್ಬಹುದು.

ಮೊನ್ನೆಯಿಂದ ನಾನು ನೋಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇನೆ ಕೆಲವು ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಜಾಲತಾಣಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರದ ಪ್ರಕರಣಕ್ಕೆ ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಲೇಪನ ಅಂಟಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ ತೊಂದರೆ ಇಲ್ಲ ಮತ್ತು ಇದೆನ್ನು ಹೊಸದೇನಲ್ಲ

 

೧ ) ಆಶಿಫಾಳ್ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ಯಾವ ದೇವಸ್ಥಾನದಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆದಿತ್ತು ಆ ದೇವಸ್ಥಾನದ ಹೆಸ್ರಯಾಕೆ ಬಹಿರಂಗ ಪಡಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ

 

೨ ) ( ಆಶಿಫಾಳ್ ತಂದೆಯ ಹೇಳಿಕೆ ) ಒಂದು ವಾದವರೆಗೆ ಆಶಿಫಾಳನ್ನು ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಕಡೆಗೇ ಹುಡುಕಿದೀವಿ ಎಲ್ಲಿಯೂ ಸಿಗಲಿಲ್ಲ ಕೊನೆಗೆ ದೇವಸ್ಥಾನದಲ್ಲಿ ಮೃತಪಟ್ಟು ಶವಯಾಗಿ ಸಿಕ್ಳು. ಹಾಗಾದ್ರೆ ಒಂದು ವಾರದವರೆಗೆ ದೇವಸ್ಥಾನಕ್ಕೆ ಯಾರು ಬರಬಾರದಂತ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ರಜೆ ಕೊಟ್ಟೀತ್ತಾ ?

 

೩ ) ಇನ್ನು ಕೆಲವರ ಹೇಳಿಕೆಯ ಪ್ರಕಾರ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರಿ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ಮಾಡುವಾಗ ಜೈ ಶ್ರೀ ರಾಮ ಅಂತ ಘೋಷಣೆ ಕೂಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದಂತೆ ಛೇ ಎಷ್ಟ ಮಸ್ಕಾರಿ ಮಾಡ್ತಾರಲ್ವಾ ನಾಯಿಗಳು

ಅವ್ನು ಜೈ ಶ್ರೀ ರಾಮ ಘೋಷಣೆ ಕೂಗಿ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ಮಾಡುವುದನ್ನು ಯಾರು ಕೇಳಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದು ಅವ್ನನ್ಯಾಕ್ಕೆ ಆ ಬಾಲಕಿಯನ್ನು ರಾಕ್ಷಸರ ಕೈಯಿಂದ ಕಾಪಾಡಲಿಲ್ಲ ?

ಅಥವಾ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ನಡೆಯುವ ದೃಶ್ಯವನ್ನು ಮೊಬೈಲ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ಸೆರೆ ಹಿಡಿಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ?

 

೪ ) ಜಮ್ಮು ಕಾಶ್ಮೀರದಲ್ಲಿ ಪರ್ಸೆಂಟಕ್ಕಿಂತ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಮುಸ್ಲಿಮರು ಇದ್ದಾರೆ ನೋಟ್ this point ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಹಿಂದೂಗಳಿಗೆ ರಕ್ಷಣೆ ಇಲ್ವೇ ಇಲ್ಲ ಈ ಹಿಂದೆ ಸಾಕಷ್ಟು ಭಾರೀ ದೇವಸ್ಥಾನಗಳು ದ್ವಂಸ ಗೊಂಡಿವೆ ಮತ್ತು ದೇವಸ್ಥಾನಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಮಾಂಸ ಎಸೆದು ಹಿಂದೂಗಳ ಭಾವನೆಗೆ ಧಕ್ಕೆ ತರುವ ಪ್ರಯತ್ನ ಕೋಡಾ ಆಗಿದೆ ಇದೇ ಕಾರಣಕ್ಕೆ ಅಪರಾಧಿಗಳನ್ನು ಹಿಡಿಯಲು ಎಲ್ಲಾ ದೇವಸ್ಥಾನಗಳಲ್ಲಿ  ಸಿ ಸಿ ಟಿ ವಿ ಕ್ಯಾಮೆರಾ ಅಳವಡಿಸುವುದು ಕಡ್ಡಾಯಗೊಳಿದ್ದಾರೆ

 

೫ ) ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರಕ್ಕೇ ಒಳಗಾದ ಬಾಲಕಿಯ ಹೆಸ್ರು ಧರ್ಮ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ಗೈದ ಆರೋಪಿಯ ಹೆಸ್ರು ಧರ್ಮ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ನಡೆದ ಸ್ಥಳದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಬಹಿರಂಗ ಪಡಿಸಿದ್ದೀರಿ ಅಂದ್ಮೇಲೆ ಸಿ ಸಿ ಟೀ ವಿ ಪೋಟ್ಯಾಜ್ ಯಾಕೇ ಬಹಿರಂಗ ಪಡಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ

ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ಅಲ್ಲೇ ನಡೆದಿದೆಯೋ ಅದೇ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಗಳು ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ಗೈದಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಅನ್ನುವುದಕ್ಕೆ ಸಿ ಸಿ ಟಿ ವಿ ಫೂಟ್ಯಾಜ್ ನಲ್ಲಿ ಇದ್ದೆ ಇರುತ್ತದೆ ಇದನ್ನು ಕೋಡಾ ಬಹಿರಂಗ ಪಡಿಸಿ ನೋಡೋಣ ಸತ್ಯ ಸತ್ಯತೇ ಗೊತ್ತಾಗುತ್ತದೆ

 

ಹೇಳುವುದಕ್ಕೇ ಇನ್ನು ಸಾಕಷ್ಟು ದೋಷಗಳಿವೆ ಚರ್ಚೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ನೋಡೋಣ

ಚಾರ್ಜಸಿಟ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ಸುಳ್ಳಾರೋಪ ಕೋಡಾ ಬರೆಯಬಹುದು

ಈ ಹಿಂದೆಯೂ ಸಾಕಷ್ಟು ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಬರೆದಿದ್ದಾರೆ

Anjana Sagar
 - 
Monday, 16 Apr 2018

Those who think that Kathua gang-rape and murder case is unnecessarily being communalized and blown out of the proportion for political reasons should understand following points:

 

1)When the mutilated dead body of the girl was found and the culprits were identified, the innocent parents of the victim did not give the case a communal tinge. Not a single Muslim organization in India tried to drag a community or religion into this case.

 

2)The preliminary investigation sent shockwaves across the world. The culprits reveled that they resorted to such a heinous crime just to threaten the community of the victim and drive them away from village. One of the rapists also revealed that he felt bad to rape a small girl but it was necessary for their “cause”!

 

3)After the arrest of the accused, Hindu Ekta Manch staged a protest demanding the release of the accused. They also demanded that the case should be handed over to the CBI which is fully under the control of union BJP government. Two of the prominent speakers at the protest said that the accused should be released because they are Hindus and victims is a nomadic Muslim. Two BJP ministers also took part in the protest and defended the accused.

 

4)When the two ministers who defended the rapists were forced to tender their resignation, the BJP said that they did not commit anything wrong!

 

5)When Deepika Singh Rajawat, a woman lawyer took up the case, she was threatened by the so called Hindutva groups. The president of the Jammu High Court Bar Association abused her and asked her to stay away from the case.

 

6)In spite of all these facts, the parents of the victim did see it as a communal case. In fact they don’t even know that communal hatred can instigate people to commit such heinous crime. When people started asking how can those Hindutva groups justify a rape saying that victim was a Muslim and culprits were Hindus, BJP leaders started accusing Opposition of communalizing the case! Who communalized the case: The self-proclaimed Hindutva groups or the family and supporters of the victim?

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News Network
February 11,2020

New Delhi, Feb 11: Celebrations broke out at the AAP headquarters here as early vote-counting trends for the Delhi Assembly polls on Tuesday showed a comfortable victory for the Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal-led party.

The headquarters were decorated with blue and white balloons and big cut-outs of Kejriwal were placed in different parts of the party office.

"We knew it. We have changed the politics of this country. Now it is Delhi, next is India," said Sanjeev Singh, a party volunteer from Hari Nagar.

Another volunteer Fareen Khan said, "We hope we get such a clear majority that a message goes out that doing Hindu-Muslim politics will not work anymore."

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is leading in 26 seats while the BJP is leading in 14 seats, according to early trends by the Election Commission.

According to the EC's website, AAP convenor Kejriwal is leading in his New Delhi constituency.

Kejriwal reached the party office as the counting of votes got underway.

Counting centres are spread across 21 locations, spanning 70 constituencies.

Polling for the 70-member Delhi Assembly was held on Saturday.

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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News Network
May 26,2020

Newsroom, May 26: A migrant worker died of hunger while a 10-month-old boy suffering from fever and breathing difficulties died negligence in two separate incidents onboard Shramik Special trains in Uttar Pradesh.

The 46-year-old dead migrant worker’s nephew, who was accompanying him, said that the victim had not eaten anything in the last 60 hours.

Raveesh Yadav said that no food or water was provided on the train, which they had boarded from Mumbai to travel to their native place in Jaunpur district in Uttar Pradesh.

Yadav and his uncle were working as construction workers in Mumbai.

Yadav told the paper that the train had left the Lokmanya Terminal in Mumbai, at 7pm on May 20 and arrived at its final stop, Varanasi Cantonment station, at 7.30am on May 23.

“But my uncle, who was complaining of hunger and pain all over his body, fainted half an hour before we reached Varanasi Cantonment and died within a few minutes,” Raveesh was quoted as saying.

He added that he and his uncle were hungry when they boarded the train but could not find food or water to buy.

Railways’ apathy

Meanwhile, the family of 10 month old child, who died in the train, alleged that the railways did not arrange for a doctor despite their repeated pleas.

The railway doctors had been moved to Covid-19 hospitals and by the time a doctor was provided at Tundla railway station, it was too late, the report quoted the child's grandfather, Dev Lal, as saying.

Lal said that the family members had tried to speak to the GRP at many stations, including at Aligarh, where the train had halted. "But they showed no interest and said any help would be available only in Tundla,” Lal said.

Railways officials then took the kin to a quarantine centre in Tundla, as they suspected that the baby had died because of the novel coronavirus.  It was only on Monday that the incident came to light when another individual at the quarantine facility intimated journalists after the condition of the child's mother worsened.

Last November, the mother of the child, Priyanka Devi of Bihar's Notan village in West Champaran, had gone to visit her parents who reside in Noida with the baby, who was then just four months old. Her husband Pramod Kumar is a farmer, the report added.

Comments

andh bakth
 - 
Tuesday, 26 May 2020

Vote for BJP and you need only hindutva dont worry about food, job etc.......jai modiji

very sad for baby:(

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