Masjid One — a vision in the making

Aysha Tanisha
March 29, 2018

The gathering point of the Muslim Ummah or community is the mosque. For Muslims, it is a divine place wherein they connect to their Creator through prayers. It is synonymous to the house of God, as one can see the rich and poor, healthy and ill, educated and uneducated stand alongside one another, praying in synchronization. 

In India, Muslims fall under the minority category. This qualifies the socially and economically disadvantaged Muslims to avail government benefits designed to improve their condition. Till date, due to lack of information and guidance, not many have benefitted from this. NGOs and organizations working for the development of Muslims weren’t of much help, as they have been tackling issues from a surface level.

In the Prophetic times mosques didn’t function solely for prayer purposes. It engaged in activities concerning community development. Many organizations, activists and leaders have insisted on re-working this concept. Mohammed Imthiyaz, a young businessman and social activist, and his team have left for Mangaluru to lay the groundwork for the ‘Masjid One’ plan.

This project aims at bringing all the mosques in the country under one plan of action, with an objective of developing the Muslims throughout India. As per the plan, the Masjid committee will stop by each Jamaat’s home and gather information on the family economy, social status, family members’ employment, health and education level etc. The information thus collected will go on the App. The project will enable Muslims to benefit from government plans and schemes. The poor will be helped by the rich donors. Many mosques are enthusiastic about the project, including the ones from Karnataka, Kerala, and Uthar Pradesh. 

The situation of Muslim community

1. Socio-economic conditions of a considerable number of Muslims in India are too bad. A major part of Muslims is below the poverty line.
2. The literacy level of the Indian Muslim is below the country average.
3. Muslims are often found crammed into ghettos with poor infrastructure and civic facilities.
4. They are often neglected and discriminated.
5. Many of the Muslims are doing menial jobs, working as daily wage laborers which leaves children with no choice but to toil away their childhood too.
6. In poor Muslim neighborhoods, housing facility and basic sanitation is lacking to the point where inhabitants develop various communicable diseases.  

Why Masjid One?

If you are wondering how Masjid One can fight poverty, illiteracy and employment hindrances Muslims face, then the action plan of this project will bring around a ray of hope to relax those furrowed eyebrows.
1. Its vision is to utilize masjids as an epicenter for the betterment of the Muslim populace all over India.
2. Foremost, it will organize masjids and Jamaat’s of Masjids. 
3. Through the Masjid One Platform, it intends to collect, document, process and analyze data concerning all Muslims in India.
4. This is done to identify the most destitute, needy and urgent cases of Indian Muslims.
5. Resources will be identified and allocated for the ones in desperate need of it.
6. It aims at finding sustainable, realistic, achievable and permanent solution to raise the dignity and socio-economic status of the Muslim Community in India.

Advantages of Masjid One

1. The data collection via Masjid One Platform will enable the Muslim Ummah to utilize the resources available in ‘n’ number of ways. 
2. The data collected through and through will be subjected to analysis in order to generate a clear picture of the current scenario of Indian Muslims. This will be instrumental in identifying root problems. As per the needs, various short-term and long-term programs will be designed. Also, execution of sustainable programs will be looked into for empowering the less fortunate Muslim masses.
3. Data collection will be segregated family wise. ( all information on a families socio-economic condition will be noted down)
4. The Data collection includes full details of mosques and khazis across India, including the status of mosques, access to resources, and resources.  
5. It will work in a decentralized way. Work and Contributions are expected from each Masjids, rather than one central body doing all the work.
6. It will use technologies like Data Analytics and Web Technology to optimally solve the problems. 
7. This platform will also facilitate Voter ID and Aadhar registry related work enabling the Muslims to be the rightful citizens of India.
8. Information can be helpful to allocate facilities to all Muslims in India.
9. Resource recognition and resources distribution for Muslims and mosques is the first priority.
10. Muslims can use many government schemes through Masjid One.
11. Motivating and supporting the mosques to generate Income through alternative sources and making them self sustainable and financially independent.

The fundamentals that can be achieved through Masjid One

1. It will create system for Muslim families wherein families with excess of resources and willing to help will reach out to the ones in greatest need.
2. It will also create a Systemwhere Masjids with abundant resources, which are self-sufficient and with the capacity to help other Masjids, to help those Masjids that are lacking in basic and fundamental infrastructure and in greatest need.
3. All India Muslim Development Board (AIMDB) will be eventually formed. This board will take initiatives to bring out new welfare schemes and try to tackle problems prevalent in the society.

Masjid One - Why it is the Solution?

1. It aims to generate more than 10 lakh leaders.
2. It will establish 24 clusters in India.
3. It aims at providing at least 2+ Crores of Indian Muslims are with an income source.
4. It will facilitate pooling of nationwide resources of Muslims.
5. It will create commerce, entrepreneurship and establish support structures.
6. It aims at constructing 5 lakh family trusts, construction of schools, colleges and infrastructure for Indian Muslims and encouraging industry throughcouncilors and chambers. 
7. It will bring together Ulemas, Businessmen, Masjids, Organizations and Muslim Politicians.
8. It will provide career guidance and motivation for youth. 
9. It will create larger and greater Sadaqah Network that reaches maximum number of Muslims.
10. It will raise the overall standard of living among the Muslims.
11. It will focus on education, healthcare, Shelter and other basic necessities of Indian Muslims.

Contributions to the country from Masjid One

1. Every Muslim in the country registered under Masjid One Platform will receive announcements, government updates and other important information within minutes, through instant SMS. 
2. Four mosques can join together and start a school and 8-10 mosques can start an Islamic financial cooperative institution. 
3. Platform may alsowork as a News Portal and News Agency. 
4. It will improve the Economic output by the Muslim communities, consequently improving the GDP of the country.  
5. It will increase the literacy rate of the Country. 
6. It will contribute to Swacch Bharat Abhiyan, by keeping Masjid and its Mohalla surroundings clean.

‘Masjid One’ is a large scale utilization of the data collected on the Indian Muslim population. Its desired result is to uplift the Muslims in reduced circumstances. To ensure this, Masjid One will look into utilizing the existing NGO’s and formation of NGO’s under Masjids and Committees.  Sub- committees that can focus on Jamaat wise and city wise social work will be formed. Assignment of social work will be segregated based on underlying concerns such as Women and Child, Economic upliftment and Self-Reliance, Education and Healthcare. 
 

Comments

Saifuddeen P
 - 
Sunday, 8 Jul 2018

can you Please provide the contact detailes of people handling this project. intreseted in implimenting same in our jamath 

 

 

Saleem
 - 
Saturday, 31 Mar 2018

Highly challenging task in this present era, but nothing shall be impossible if the intention is holy & pure.  I personally pray with almighty Allah to bestow endurance and success upon this team. Aameen. 

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News Network
April 23,2020

Riyadh, Apr 22: In an extraordinary initiative, the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has decided to facilitate the travel of expatriates who have an exit and reentry visa or final exit visa to return to their countries.

This is in line with the order of Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman, according to the Saudi Press Agency.

According to the initiative, called “Auda” (return), expatriates can apply seeking permission for travel to their countries through the Absher portal of the ministry.

Announcing this, Saudi's Ministry of Interior said that the initiative will be implemented in cooperation with a number of relevant government agencies.

Requests for travel from expatriates will be received and approved in coordination with the relevant authorities to complete their travel procedures on board international flights.

As per the initiative, a text message will be sent to the beneficiary stating the travel date, ticket number and reservation details, and by which the beneficiary can obtain his travel ticket and complete the travel procedures.

Clarifying the procedures for the travel, the ministry said that the applicant shall select the icon (Auda) after visiting the Absher portal and fill the following fields: iqama (residency permit) number, date of birth, mobile number, departure city and airport of arrival.

It is not mandatory for the expatriate to have his own Absher account for availing of the service, the ministry said, adding that this facility is to enable expatriates to benefit from this initiative.

The departure will be through the following airports: King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh, King Abdulaziz International Airport in Jeddah, Prince Muhammad International Airport in Madinah, and King Fahd International Airport in Dammam.

Those expatriates who are outside these cities can benefit from the service through entering airport of departure after completion of their travel procedures in sufficient period of time.

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coastaldigest.com news network
June 23,2020

Mangaluru, Jun 23: An elderly person, who was undergoing treatment for covid-19 in Mangaluru, breathed his last on today. 

The victim, identified by number P-6282, was a 70-year-old man. He had returned from Bengaluru on June 7. 

He was suffering asthma and pneumonia. He had Severe Acute Respiratory Infection (SARI) symptoms and was hence admitted to the designated covid-19 hospital in Mangaluru on June 12. 

His condition continued to worsen and today he breathed his last, sources said.

With this the total number the deaths of covid-19 patients in Dakshina Kannada district mounted to 9.

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Ram Puniyani
April 7,2020

The carnage or to put it more precisely the anti Muslim violence in Delhi (February-March 2020) has shaken us all. Analysts are burning midnight oil yet again to understand the deeper causative factors of the same. 

One of the neglected aspects of analysis of communal violence has been the one related to prevalent factor of Caste in Indian society. Caste is inherent in the scriptures called as Hindu scriptures; caste has been the rigid frame work of Hindu society, which has also penetrated into other religious communities in India.

The deeper connection between Hindu nationalism or Hindutva and caste has been explored somewhat but not too many studies have taken up the relationship between the communal violence and caste in India.

Suraj Yengde (IE, Delhi Pogrom is an attempt to Divert attention from Government’s Failures, March 8, 2020) makes some points on this issue. Yengde points out, “Many are still downplaying the Delhi riot as an affliction of Hindutva or Hindu-Muslim binaries. It is neither. It is not religious but caste tensions that encourage such treacherous acts.”    

He quotes from the Gujarat activist Raju Solanki, “in the 2002 Godhra riots there were 2,945 arrests in Ahmadabad. Of these, 1,577 were Hindus and 1,368 Muslims. Among the Hindus arrested, 797 were OBCs, 747 Dalits, 19 Patels, two Baniyas, and two Brahmins. The upper castes became MLAs, the rest were jailed. Also, it is not an accident that Dalits constitute nearly 22% of the total arrests in India; Adivasis 11%, Muslims 20% and OBCs 31%. More than 55% of under trials also come from the same communities (NCRB 2015).”

While this data is on the dot it must be stated that while caste has lot of role in the emergence of politics of Hindutva, in the resultant violence the primary focus has been religion, here caste plays a role which is secondary in some ways.

To trace the outline of the Hindu nationalism’s prime mover RSS; one can definitely say that its formation and rise is primarily due to the rising caste consciousness and the beginnings of struggles aimed at injustices due to the caste Varna System. While Hindu Mahasabha was already on the scene as parallel and opposite to the Muslim League, these formations initially had only Kings and landlords. Later these formations were joined in by some elite, affluent sections of society.

RSS in particular was a response to the ground level changes resulting in coming up of low caste/average people in social and political space. It was the non-cooperation movement led by Gandhi and then the non Brahman movement in Nagpur-Vidarbha area which disturbed the Brahmanical sections, supported by landlord-kings, to take up the agenda of Hindu nation. The core articulation of Hindutva politics was to present the glorious ancient times, when Manu Smriti’s laws ruled the roost. These were getting a jolt now as the efforts of Joti Rao Phule and later the campaigns of Ambedkar started empowering the downtrodden dalits. This was a serious threat to Brahmanical system.

While this was the core an external threat was to be created to ‘unify’ Hindu society. And here the Muslims, Muslim Kings rule came in as handy. It is this anti Muslim tirade and actions which was the frontage for Hindutva, while the anti dalit-agenda was the real underlying motive. The whole of Shakha (RSS branches) baudhiks (intellectual sessions) were structured around this. The promotion of communal historiography, the hatred for Muslims was the visible part of RSS training, while glorification of past is the fulcrum which in a way is the code language for retaining the hierarchy of caste and also of gender.

Practically also if we see the strengthening of Hindutva began on the issue of a Muslim king destroying the temple of the birth place of Lord Ram, this campaign got its vitriol after the implementation of Mandal Commission in 1990. The anti Muslim Hate and promotion of values of caste and gender hierarchy are synthesized by Hindutva politics. That’s as far as the political agenda of Hindu nationalism goes. As far as communal violence is concerned, it has been an anti Muslim work through and through. All the statistics shows that victims of communal violence are primarily Muslims, around 80% of victims being Muslims. These Muslims do come from all sections of Muslims, more from the poor.

The caste comes into operation in the mechanism of riot production. Hindutva politics, through its extensive network has been working relentlessly among dalits. The recent book by Bhanwar Meghwanshi, “I was a Kar Sevak”, brilliantly describes the mechanism of co-opting dalits into the agenda of sectarian politics. RSS has floated innumerable organizations, like Samajik Samrasta Manch, which work among dalits to promote Brahmanical values and to integrate dalits into the scheme of Hindutva politics. They are made to act as foot soldiers of Hindu nationalist politics. Those who spread hate through indoctrination and propaganda are safe in their cozy houses or offices while the poor dalits are made to soil their hands with the blood of religious minorities.

The face of Gujarat violence, Ashok Mochi, now talks of dalit-Muslim unity. The data compiled by Raju Solanki and quoted by Yengde is the norm in the cases of violence in India. Those who are incited, those who are later charged with violence are not the ones who give donations to RSS or support its various activities. Most of these do come from the sections of indoctrinated youth from downtrodden communities.

Yengde has done a valuable job in drawing our attention to the role of caste in communal violence; the problem with his thesis is the undermining the role of ‘Hate against religious minorities’, which is the base on which the violence is orchestrated. The extent and degree of indoctrination done through shakhas is very powerful and effective. This can gauzed from the experiences of the likes of Bhanwar Meghwanshi, who tells us the difficulties he had to face to come to grips of reality of caste while overcoming the RSS propaganda.

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