Firecrackers, beef, child abduction rumours: India's lynching spectrum widens

Agencies
July 13, 2018

New Delhi, Jul 13: Jatin Das, a labourer, was beaten to death by an angry crowd at a wedding venue in Assam three days ago for allegedly demanding that revellers stop bursting firecrackers, laying bare once again the veneer of tolerance that gives way only too easily to extreme rage and aggression.

The 35-year-old labourer's tragic death this week is only the latest in a series of lynchings that have shocked India, and forced experts to introspect on collective anger that kills and the why and how of public violence.

According to reports, at least 20 people were killed in 14 separate incidents between May and July 2018 in various parts of India.

Though the National Crimes Records Bureau (NCRB) does not specifically track lynchings, the incidence of mob killings and vigilantism has been on the rise.

The killing of Das, who wanted the fireworks be stopped because he had been hit by a splinter, is one end of the lynching spectrum. If his ask triggered irrational fury, the other cases are fuelled by righteousness with mobs believing they were doing the good thing.

Some of the victims were believed to be beef eaters or indulging in cow slaughter, others were thought to be kidney smugglers, and in many cases the victims were suspected to be child abductors.

The reasons for this vigilante justice were varied but the root cause was often the same -- suspicion based on rumours fanned by messages on social media platforms like WhatsApp.

According to Mumbai-based psychologist Harish Shetty. India is caught in a "state of post-disaster syndrome", contributing significantly towards the making of an angst driven "fickle" population which can be easily instigated.

"One needs to understand that something or the other is always happening in this country...children are being stolen... suicides and murders are happening. All of this leaves people in a state of hyper-arousal and a small trigger can channel their frustration," he said.

In Dhule in Maharashtra, where five people were killed on July 1, violence in the predominantly adivasi region was triggered following rumours of child kidnappers on WhatsApp.

"Rumours of child kidnappers were doing rounds on Whatsapp, and people became suspicious of the victims who belonged to the nomadic Gosavi community due to their alien attire and language," Superintendent of Police M Ramkumar told .

A police team of "eight people", heavily outnumbered by the mob, reached the spot within 40 minutes, only to find that the victims had already succumbed to the attacks.

The deaths bring to light the horrors of mob fury when a group of people, sometimes 50 and sometimes as many as 3,500 like in Dhule, decide to take law in their hands and kill somebody. Last month, the deaths of 29-year-old Nilotpal Das and 30-year-old Abhijeet Nath in Assam's Karbi Anglong district shook the country. The two were beaten to death by over 500 angry people, again on the suspicion of being child abductors.

"It is an uncivilised notion of justice," said city-based lawyer Kirti Singh.

Equating the act of lynching with a kangaroo court where "the mob seems to be doing what it thinks is right", she said people build up the fury on "fake news".

She rued the absolute lack of political will to put an end to these "rumours" and blamed the absence of a policy of "zero-tolerance" towards the heinous crime for the lives lost.

"Lynching is illegal. It is brutal murder. The ruling dispensation needs to tell people they cannot take the law in their hands. There should be widespread condemnation of such actions. They should set an example by talking extensively about its horrors," the lawyer said.

Singh also stressed on the need for police to act immediately and efficiently to stop incidents of violence from escalating, particularly by getting more forces.

Agreeing with her, Shetty said, "The police needs to be 10 steps ahead of the rumours."

Putting a check on the anti-social elements spreading fake news, effectively communicating with the general public and making them aware about marginalised communities are some of key steps the police must keep in mind, Shetty said.

Cyber law expert Pawan Duggal suggested "data localisation" to supervise the disemmination of content on Whatsapp and similar platforms.

According to him, having servers of Whatsapp and Twitter in India will help bring the data that needs to be controlled within the physical boundary of India, thereby bringing it within the purview of Indian law.

"This could have a substantial impact on reducing the dissemination of fake news," Duggal said.

In 2015, the lynching of Mohammed Akhlaq following rumours that he was storing beef in his home in Dadri village shocked the nation and prompted a nationwide debate. Three years later, the cases continue to pile up but the outrage seems to have dulled, prompting the question -- is lynching the new normal?

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saad Khan
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Saturday, 14 Jul 2018

One Word  "ACHA DIN"

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News Network
May 20,2020

Thiruvananthapuram, May 20: As COVID-19 count surges to 666 with 24 new cases reported on Wednesday, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has said that if cases keep increasing in this manner, then the State will be in a 'serious situation.'

Out of 24 new patients, 12 have returned from abroad, 11 others from other States and one has been infected by a contact. Now, total positive cases in the State stand at 666 including 161 active cases, Chief Minister Vijayan said at press meet.

"If the number of COVID-19 cases increases like this, then the State will be in a serious situation. We have given more relaxations in lockdown guidelines. We need to have more strict measures in some areas," he said.

Speaking about the people who are coming to Kerala from other States, he stressed that all people coming from outside are "not carriers." However, the State has to tighten the security as some among those people are "carriers."

The Chief Minister while clearing that there is no restriction for the people to come back to Kerala, said: "Lakhs of people residing in other states cannot come together."

"There is no relaxation in containment areas. Those who came from outside have to be in quarantine. This is their moral responsibility. The State has implemented home quarantine successfully. Various level committees like ward committee, neighbours and residential associations are monitoring the people in quarantine," he said.

Chief Minister Vijayan has directed the police to visit people under home quarantine to take their report and district panchayat to make sure that all panchayats are working in a proper manner.

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News Network
June 9,2020

Jun 9: Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants all 1.3 billion Indians to be “vocal for local” — meaning, to not just use domestically made products but also to promote them. As an overseas citizen living in Hong Kong, I’m doing my bit by very vocally demanding Indian mangoes on every trip to the grocery. But half the summer is gone, and not a single slice so far.

My loss is due to India’s COVID-19 lockdown, which has severely pinched logistics, a perennial challenge in the huge, infrastructure-starved country. But more worrying than the disruption is the fruity political response to it. Rather than being a wake-up call for fixing supply chains, the pandemic seems to be putting India on an isolationist course. Why?

Granted that the liberal view that trade is good and autarky bad isn’t exactly fashionable anywhere right now. What makes India’s lurch troublesome is that the pace and direction of economic nationalism may be set by domestic business interests. The Indian liberals, many of whom are Western-trained academics, authors and — at least until a few years ago — policy makers, want a more competitive economy. They will be powerless to prevent the slide.

Modi’s call for a self-reliant India has been echoed by Home Minister Amit Shah, the cabinet’s unofficial No. 2, in a television interview. If Indians don’t buy foreign-made goods, the economy will see a jump, he said. The strategy — although it’s too nebulous yet to call it that — has a geopolitical element. A military standoff with China is under way, apparently triggered by India’s completion of a road and bridge near the common border in the tense Himalayan region of Ladakh. It’s very expensive to fight even a limited war there. With India’s economy flattened by COVID, New Delhi may be looking for ways to restore the status quo and send Beijing a signal.

Economic boycotts, such as Chinese consumers’ rejection of Japanese goods over territorial disputes in the East China Sea, are well understood as statecraft. In these times, it’s not even necessary to name an enemy. An undercurrent of popular anger against China, the source of both the virus and India’s biggest bilateral trade deficit, is supposed to do the job. But is it ever that easy?

A hastily introduced policy to stock only local goods in police and paramilitary canteens became a farcical exercise after the list of banned items ended up including products by the local units of Colgate-Palmolive Co., Nestle SA, and Unilever NV, which have had significant Indian operations for between 60 and 90 years, as well as Dabur India Ltd., a New Delhi-based maker of Ayurveda brands. The since-withdrawn list demonstrates the practical difficulty of bureaucrats trying to find things in a globalized world that are 100% indigenous.

Free-trade champions fret that the prime minister, whom they saw as being on their side six years ago, is acting against their advice to dismantle statist controls on land, labor and capital to help make the country more competitive. Engage with the world more, not less, they caution. But Modi also has to satisfy the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the umbrella Hindu organisation that gets him votes. Its backbone of small traders, builders and businessmen — the RSS admits only men — was losing patience with the anemic economy even before the pandemic. Now, they’re in deep trouble, because India’s broken financial system won’t deliver even state-guaranteed loans to them.

The U.S.-China tensions — over trade, intellectual property, COVID responsibility and Hong Kong’s autonomy — offer a perfect backdrop. A dire domestic economy and trouble at the border provide the foreground. Big business will dial economic nationalism up and down to hit a trifecta of goals: Block competition from the People's Republic; make Western rivals fall in line and do joint ventures; and tap deep overseas capital markets. The first goal is being achieved with newly placed restrictions on investment from any country that shares a land border with India. The second aim is to be realized by corporate lobbying to influence India's whimsical economic policies. As for the third objective, with the regulatory environment becoming tougher for U.S.-listed Chinese companies like Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., an opportunity may open up for Indian firms.

All this may bring India Shenzhen-style enclaves of manufacturing and trade, but it will concentrate economic power in fewer hands, something that worries liberals. They’re moved by the suffering of India’s low-wage workers, who have borne the brunt of the COVID shutdown. But when their vision of a more just society and fairer income distribution prompts them to make common cause with the ideological Left, they’re quickly repelled by the Marxist voodoo that all cash, property, bonds and real estate held by citizens or within the nation “must be treated as national resources available during this crisis.” Who will invest in a country that does that instead of just printing money?

At the same time, when liberals look to the business class, they see a sudden swelling of support for ideas like a universal basic income. They wonder if this isn’t a ploy by industry to outsource part of the cost of labor to the taxpayer. Slogans like Modi’s vocal-for-local stir the pot and thicken the confusion. The value-conscious Indian consumer couldn’t give two hoots for calls to buy Indian, but large firms will know how to exploit economic nationalism. One day soon, I’ll get my mangoes — from them.

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News Network
June 25,2020

New Delhi, Jun 25: Diesel price in the national capital crossed the Rs 80 per litre-mark for the first time ever on Thursday as oil companies raised prices for the 19th day, taking the cumulative rate to Rs 10.63 a litre.

Petrol price, after a day's hiatus, was hiked by 16 paise and the increase in less than three weeks now totals Rs 8.66 per litre.

Petrol price in Delhi was hiked to Rs 79.92 per litre from Rs 79.76, while diesel rates were increased to Rs 80.02 a litre from Rs 79.88, according to a price notification of state oil marketing companies.

Diesel had for the first time become costlier than petrol in Delhi on Wednesday and has now crossed the Rs 80 per litre-mark.

Rates differ from state to state depending on the incidence of value-added tax (VAT).

However, diesel is costlier than petrol only in the national capital where the state government had raised local sales tax or VAT on the fuel sharply last month. It costs less than petrol in other cities.

The 19th daily increase in rates since oil companies on June 7 restarted revising prices in line with costs after ending an 82-day hiatus in rate revision, has taken diesel prices to fresh highs.

In 19 straight days, diesel price has gone up by Rs 10.63 per litre. Petrol price has been hiked on 18 occasions since June 7 and now totals to Rs 8.66 a litre.

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