PFI, SDPI will be banned; party hopper MLAs who joined BJP will be awarded: K S Eshwarappa

Bengaluru, Mar 28: Karnataka Director General of Police Praveen Sood on Saturday asked philanthropists who want to support the poor during the lockdown to leave food at the nearby police station, who will ensure that it reaches the needy.

The DGP has asked the Bengaluru City police Commissioner to take steps in this regard and ensure fair distribution.

"All philanthropists, in case you want to support poor. Leave cooked, packed, simple food at the police station and it will reach poor. @CPBlr pl announce a nodal officer for deciding the police station for fair distribution," Sood wrote on his official twitter handle.

Responding to the DGP's tweet, city police Commissioner Bhaskar Rao appointed Joint Commissioner (Crime) as a nodal officer.

"Sandeep Patil, IPS, Joint Commissioner, CRIME at 9480801011 is the officer nominated from Bangalore City Police to receive and acknowledge donation of food and consumables for distribution to police and those in need," Rao tweeted.

Meanwhile, the city police has also initiated measures to take those in critical medical emergency to the nearest medical facility.

"We @BlrCityPolice are at your service 24/7 to take you to nearest medical facility in critical medical emergency, dialysis, chemo, emergent heart issues etc PLEASE CALL 100 Misuse may affect someones life! Be responsible #CoronaLockdown is National Duty #Covid19India," Additional Commissioner of Police (Administration), Bengaluru, Hemant Nimbalkar tweeted.

Bengaluru police's initiative of distributing food, snacks, water and certain essential requirements to those in need has received wide appreciation.

While some police stations are already providing food to poor and those in need by collecting it from sponsors, couple of them have even hired a cook for the needy.

The lockdown has affected the poor who depend on their daily wages for livelihood.

Mangaluru, Feb 21: Police officials including the Mangaluru city Commissioner of Police P S Harsha would be summoned to appear before the panel conducting a magisterial probe into December 19, 2019 firing on anti-CAA protesters in the city which left two people dead.

Notices would be served on 176 police officers and staff to appear for hearing, Udupi deputy commissioner G Jagadeesha, conducting the magisterial probe into the incident said here on Thursday.

He told reporters that officials, including the city police commissioner Harsha, would be summoned to depose on the violence which led to police firing that killed two people.

Mangaluru (North) Assistant Commissioner K U Belliappa, who is the nodal officer for the police department, has given a list of 176 policemen who are ready to adduce evidence in the hearing.

The police officers would be summoned in phases.

The next hearing is on February 25.

He said so far, 203 members of the public have deposed before him on the incident.

Former city Mayor K Ashraf, who is under treatment in hospital, has also provided a written statement.

The remaining members of the public can provide evidence during next hearings, he said.

On December 19, two people were killed in police firing as protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) turned violent here.

The protesters had attempted to besiege the Mangaluru north police station and tried to attack police personnel, following which force was used to disperse them, police had said.

Two people received bullet injuries in the firing and they later succumbed at a hospital, the police had said.

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.