Communal Construction of the Past: Attack on 'Padmavati'

[email protected] (Ram Puniyani)
February 18, 2017

Sanjay Leela Bhansali’s (SLB) unit filming the period film, Padmavati was attacked recently (January 2017) near Jaipur in Rajasthan.

Padmavati

The pretext was that there is a dream sequence in the film which depicts Alauddin Khilji, the Muslim King and the Rajput Princess Padmavati. The attack was organized by one Karni Sena which claims to be working for preservation of Rajput honor and which felt that the film is an insult on the community honor of Rajputs. Interestingly the film is at the shooting stage and the Karni Sena has no access to the script of the film. The rumor about the dream sequence made them launch the attack against the film unit. It was not surprising that the state sat back, no condemnation of the attack by the state leadership was there. SLB also decided to pack off and not to do the shooting in Rajasthan. He has been threatened by BJP-VHP leaders daring him to shoot the film anywhere in India. The same Karni Sena had earlier vandalized the cinema theaters showing the film Jodha Akbar, depicting another Rajput princess.

The Allauddin Khilji-Padmavati story is from the annals of fiction, while some unauthenticated sources claim that since Khilji was for real; the tale about him must also be true. As such the reality is that the popular narrative of Padmavati and her Jauhar (immolation) are based on the work of fiction by a Sufi saint, Malik Mohammad Jayasi, in sixteenth century, two centuries after reign of Khilji. The narration of Padmavat, a classic of sorts, revolves around the love story of Ratan Singh, the king of Chittor and Padmavati, the princess of imaginary Simhala Island. Ratan Singh came to know about the beauty of the princess from her parrot, Hiraman. Guided by Hiraman; Ratan Singh pursues the princess and the lovers unite. As per this fictional tale Ratan Singh is betrayed by some Raghav Pandit, is attacked by the King of Kumbhalner and dies. King of Kumbhalner has also an eye on Padmavati. Meanwhile Khilji, who has seen the beauty of princess and is smitten by that also attacks Ratan Singh’s kingdom, just to find that Padmavati along with other women have committed jauhar, mass self immolation. The Sufi mystic who has written this immortal classic presents the tale as a metaphor for human soul seeking out and futility of power.

Over a period of time the narration has just been reduced to Padmavati as a symbol of Rajput honor and Khilji as the Islamic invader; full of lust. The construction of the past by the communities has been greatly influenced by the present political scenario. This narrative revolves around the communal view of history where Kings are presented as the vehicles of their religion. The aspect of power as the central motive of kings is bypassed in this view of history. In contemporary times this is the orientation which forms the core of community memory, which has been constructed over a period of time. The aim of this narration is to present the valor of Rajput kings. As per this they defended valiantly against the Muslim rulers and protected the honor of ‘their women’. In turn women also committed immolation rather than being defiled by the Muslim kings. This narrative is totally in opposition to the reality of the long historical stretch where the Mughal-Rajput interaction was the fulcrum around which political alliances were forged and Rajput daughters married the Muslim-Mughal kings in particular.

Few years ago when the film Jodha Akbar was vandalized. This film also has the theme of Muslim King-Hindu princess. Presentation of many an incident of the past has also been heavily colored by the part of fiction as well. As such what was witnessed in the subcontinent was the attempt by Mughal kings to build an Empire, which involved battles and alliances both. Akbar and Rana Pratap had a battle but later Rana Pratap’s son Amar Singh enters into alliance with Akbar’s son Jahangir. Rajput kings also adorned high positions in Mughal administration. Mughal Rajput syncretism in particular was the important factor of medieval period at social and political level.

There are two sets of presentations about the Rajput Princesses. The powerful and more gripping one, which captures the mass imagination, is the one which glorifies the self immolation to save the community honor. The second one is that of the inter-marrying of princely families revolving around power. The prevalent patriarchal notions do see ‘giving away daughters’ as a sort of community defeat and so these narrations are being erased from memory and the notions of jauhar are being put forward as the badge of honor. Film Jodha Akbar presented the matter of fact marriage of a Rajput princess with a Mughal king as a political pact between two ruling families. Today the attempt is to wipe away such memories which are uncomfortable in prevalent constructions of community honor. So the discomfort with the presentations in Jodha Akbar was there.

With Padmavati, the matters are being taken one step further. The vigilantes of ‘community honor’ have attacked merely on the basis of a rumor. One does not know what the film director has in mind, but the dream sequence of a Muslim man with a Hindu girl is creating the discomfort in the minds of the likes of Karni Sena. Surely such attitudes have gone up during last three decades and seem to be growing unchecked over a period of time. The artistic freedom is being controlled by those belonging to right wing nationalism and their wings are becoming stronger and going unchecked as the Hindutva politics is getting legitimacy and strength. Film makers have felt the wrath of these groups with increasing intensity. The political system which should be committed to the values of freedom of expression is mostly a bystander, underlining the fact that this ideology of Hindutva has no place for diverse presentation of the past, neither for the creative freedom of the artists. The state is failing the ‘democracy test’ time and over again.

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Ram Puniyani
August 9,2020

Contrary to present impression that Muslims are separatists due to whom the partition of India took place, the truth is that Muslims contributed to freedom movement and upheld India’s composite culture in equal measure. The partition process, mainly due to British policy of ‘divide and rule’ well assisted by Hindu and Muslim communalists is being hidden from the popular vision in India and Muslims in general are held responsible for the same. Not only that the communal historiography introduced by British to pursue their policies has become the bedrock of communal politics and worsening of the perceptions about Muslims is in progress in India.

Yet another example of this has been a series of tweets by the bureaucrat, who is close to retirement, K. Nageshwar Rao. Contrary to the service rules he has made statements, through his tweets which are appreciative of RSS-BJP and demonise the stalwarts Muslim leaders who not only contributed to the freedom movement but also later gave valuable service in laying the foundation of Independent India. As per Rao, his tweets he accuses Maulana Azad and the other Muslim Education ministers of “deracination of Hindus”. After naming “Maulana Abul Kalam Azad — 11 years (1947-58)”; “Humayun Kabir, M C Chagla & Fakruddin Ali Ahmed — 4 years (1963-67)”; and, “Nurul Hassan — 5 years (1972-77)”, he posts: “Remaining 10 years other Leftists like VKRV Rao.”

He points out that their policies were meant to “1. Deny Hindus their knowledge, 2. Vilify Hinduism as collection of superstitions, 3. Abrahamise Education, 4. Abrahamise Media & Entertainment, 5. Shame Hindus about their identity!  and 6. Bereft of the glue of Hinduism Hindu society dies.”

Then he goes on to praise RSS-BJP for bringing the glory back to Hindus. These statements of his on one hand promote the Hate and on the other tantamount to political statement, which civil servants should not by making. CPM politburo member Brinda Karat has written a letter to Home Minister Amit Shah to take suitable action against the erring bureaucrat.

Rao begins with Maulana Abul kalam Azad. Surely Azad was one of the major leaders of freedom movement, who was also the youngest President of INC, in 1923 and later between 1940 to 1945. He opposed the partition process tooth and nail till the very last. As the Congress President in 1923 he wrote a remarkable Para, symbolizing the urge for Hindu Muslim unity, “If an angel descends from heaven and offers me Swaraj in 24 hours on condition that I give up Hindu Muslim Unity, I will refuse. Swaraj we will get sooner or later; its delay will be a loss for India, but loss of Hindu Muslim unity will be a loss for human kind”. His biographer Syeda Hamid points out “He spoke without an iota of doubt about how debacle of Indian Muslims has been the result of the colossal mistakes committed by Muslim League’s misguided leadership. He exhorted Muslims to make common cause with their Hindu, Sikh, Christian fellow countrymen.” He was the one who promoted the translation of Hindu scriptures Ramayan and Mahabharat in to Persian.

Surely Mr. Rao, neither has read Azad or read about him nor knows his contributions to making of Modern India. While today, the ideological formation to which Mr. Rao seems to be pledging his commitment is critical of all that happened during Nehru era, it was during this period when as education minister Azad was shepherding the formations of IITs, Academies of Science, Lalit kala Academies. It was during this period that the efforts to promote Indian composite culture were undertaken through various steps.

The other stalwarts who are under the hammer have been outstanding scholars and giants in their own field of education. Humayun Kabir, Nurul Hasan, Dr.Zakir Husssain gave matchless ideas and practical contributions in different fields of education. One can say that contrary to the accusations, India could match up to the Computer era, software and associate things, due to creation of large manpower in these areas mainly due to these foundations which were laid down particularly in the field of education during this period.

The charge that these ‘Muslim’ education ministers white washed the bloody Islamic rule is a blind repetition of the offshoot of communal historiography introduced by British. While Kings were ruling for power and wealth, their courts had Hindus and Muslim both officers. The jaundiced vision sees this as a bloody Islamic rule but as a matter of fact the syncretic culture and traditions developed precisely this period. It was during this period that Bhakti Traidtion with Kabir, Tukaram, Namdeo, Tulsidas flourished. It was during this period that humane values of Sufi saints reached far and wide. It was during this period that poets like Rahim and Raskhan produced their classic literature n praise of Hindu Gods.

We also need to remind ourselves that large number of Muslims participated in the freedom Movement. Two scholars Shamsul Islam and Nasir Ahmad have come out with books on the myriad such freedom fighters, to recall just a few names. Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, Zakir Hussain, Syed Mohammad Sharfuddin Kadri, Bakht Khan, Muzzafar Ahmad, Mohammad Abdir Rahman,, Abbas Ali, Asaf Ali, Yusuf Mehrali, Maulana Mazahrul Hague.

These are just a few of the names. The movement, led by Gandhi, definitely laid the foundations where composite Indian culture and respect for all religions, others’ religion was paramount and this is what created Indian fraternity, one of the values which finds its place in the preamble of Indian Constitution.

This blaming of Education ministers who were Muslims is an add-on to the process of Islamophobia in India. So for there have been many actions of Muslim kings which are selectively presented as being bloody, now the post Independent History, where glorious contributions have been made by Muslim leaders are being used to further deepen the divisive process. We need to pay respects to builders of modern India, irrespective of their religion.

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Ram Puniyani
January 14,2020

In the beginning of January 2020 two very disturbing events were reported from Pakistan. One was the attack on Nankana Sahib, the holy shrine where Sant Guru Nanak was born. While one report said that the place has been desecrated, the other stated that it was a fight between two Muslim groups. Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan condemned the incident and the main accused Imran Chisti was arrested. The matter related to abduction and conversion of a Sikh girl Jagjit Kaur, daughter of Pathi (One who reads Holy Guru Granth Sahib in Gurudwara) of the Gurudwara. In another incident one Sikh youth Ravinder Singh, who was out on shopping for his marriage, was shot dead in Peshawar.

While these condemnable attacks took place on the Sikh minority in Pakistan, BJP was quick enough to jump to state that it is events like this which justify the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Incidentally CAA is the Act which is discriminatory and relates to citizenship with Religion, which is not as per the norms of Indian constitution. There are constant debates and propaganda that population of Hindus has come down drastically in Pakistan and Bangla Desh. Amit Shah, the Home minister stated that in Pakistan the population of Hindus has come down from 23% at the time of partition to 3.7% at present. And in Bangla Desh it has come down from 22% to present 8%.

While not denying the fact that the religious minorities are getting a rough deal in both these countries, the figures which are presented are totally off the mark. These figures don’t take into consideration the painful migrations, which took place at the time of partition and formation of Bangla Desh later. Pakistan census figures tell a different tale. Their first census was held in 1951. As per this census the overall percentage of Non Muslim in Pakistan (East and West together) was 14.2%, of this in West Pakistan (Now Pakistan) it was 3.44 and in Eat Pakistan it was 23.2. In the census held in Pakistan 1998 it became 3.72%. As far as Bangla Desh is concerned the share of Non Muslims has gone down from 23.2 (1951) to 9.6% in 2011.

The largest minority of Pakistan is Ahmadis, (https://minorityrights.org/country/pakistan/) who are close to 4 Million and are not recognised as Muslims in Pakistan. In Bangla Desh the major migrations of Hindus from Bangla Desh took place in the backdrop of Pakistan army’s atrocities in the then East Pakistan.

As far as UN data on refugees in India it went up by 17% between 2016-2019 and largest numbers were from Tibet and Sri Lanka.  (https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publication…)

The state of minorities is in a way the index of strength of democracy. Most South Asian Countries have not been able to sustain democratic values properly. In Pakistan, the Republic began with Jinnah’s classic speech where secularism was to be central credo of Pakistan. This 11th August speech was in a way what the state policy should be, as per which people of all faiths are free to practice their religion. Soon enough the logic of ‘Two Nation theory” and formation of Pakistan, a separate state for Muslim took over. Army stepped in and dictatorship was to reign there intermittently. Democratic elements were suppressed and the worst came when Zia Ul Haq Islamized the state in collusion with Maulanas. The army was already a strong presence in Pakistan. The popular formulation for Pakistan was that it is ruled by three A’s, Army, America and Allah (Mullah).

Bangla Desh had a different trajectory. Its very formation was a nail in the coffin of ‘two nation theory’; that religion can be the basis of a state. Bangla Desh did begin as a secular republic but communal forces and secular forces kept struggling for their dominance and in 1988 it also became Islamic republic. At another level Myanmar, in the grip of military dictatorship, with democratic elements trying to retain their presence is also seeing a hard battle. Democracy or not, the army and Sanghas (Buddhist Sang has) are strong, in Myanmar as well. The most visible result is persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

Similar phenomenon is dominating in Sri Lanka also where Budhhist Sanghas and army have strong say in the political affairs, irrespective of which Government is ruling. Muslim and Christian minorities are a big victim there, while Tamils (Hindus, Christians etc.) suffered the biggest damage as ethnic and religious minorities. India had the best prospect of democracy, pluralism and secularism flourishing here. The secular constitution, the outcome of India’s freedom struggle, the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru did ensure the rooting of democracy and secularism in a strong way.

India so far had best democratic credentials amongst all the south Asian countries. Despite that though the population of minorities rose mainly due to poverty and illiteracy, their overall marginalisation was order of the day, it went on worsening with the rise of communal forces, with communal forces resorting to identity issues, and indulging in propaganda against minorities.

While other South Asian countries should had followed India to focus more on infrastructure and political culture of liberalism, today India is following the footsteps of Pakistan. The retrograde march of India is most visible in the issues which have dominated the political space during last few years. Issues like Ram Temple, Ghar Wapasi, Love Jihad, Beef-Cow are now finding their peak in CAA.

India’s reversal towards a polity with religion’s identity dominating the political scene was nicely presented by the late Pakistani poetess Fahmida Riaz in her poem, Tum bhi Hum Jaise Nikle (You also turned out to be like us). While trying to resist communal forces has been an arduous task, it is becoming more difficult by the day. This phenomenon has been variously called, Fundamentalism, Communalism or religious nationalism among others. Surely it has nothing to do with the religion as practiced by the great Saint and Sufi traditions of India; it resorts mainly to political mobilization by using religion as a tool.

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Ashi
 - 
Tuesday, 14 Jan 2020

If Malaysia implement similar NRC/CAA, India and China are the loser.

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