To fight communalism, Left should think of electoral alliances

[email protected] ( Ram Puniyani)
January 13, 2016

CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury, former party General Secretary Prakash Karat, Politburo member Biman Bose and other leaders at the valedictory session of ‘Kolkata Plenum’in Kolkata.

Plenum

After the first general elections in independent India the then Communist Party of India emerged as the biggest opposition party. That was the time when in US McCarthyism was targeting the communists. In India around this time RSS was promising the ruling Congress Government that they will help the Government to eliminate the menace of Communism. This also has the backdrop of the writings of the major ideologue of RSS, M.S. Golwalkar. Golwalkar, writing in his book, ‘Bunch of Thoughts’, clubbed Communists along with Muslims and Christians, as being three ‘internal threats’ to Hindu nation.

As matters have changed over a period of time; in the last Lok Sabha elections (2014) BJP emerged as the largest single party and is ruling the country with motley combination called NDA. As such essentially it is the BJP which is calling the shots as a part of the agenda of its parent organization, the RSS. The last Lok Sabha results were a big setback to the parliamentary left which suffered a massive decline. It is in this context that the proceedings of the plenum and the Congress (April 2015) of the largest Left party in India, CPM, assume a great significance.

Prakash Karat, the previous General Secretary of the party gives us a glimpse of what transpired there and what CPM plans to do in the times to come. Karat’s article, ‘Winning back the people’ (IE, 7th Jan, 2016) summarises the themes, which according to the party are the major threat to Indian democracy and how CPM intends to combat it. While many a deliberations sound like a breath of fresh air and shows a resolve to engage with changing times, to connect to people, middle classes and marginalised sections in a more engaging ways, its analysis of the politics of communalism undermines one major aspect of the dynamics of communalism, and that is related to electoral politics.

Karat points out correctly that ‘there is a misconception that communalism means defeating BJP in elections,’ this is eminently true but what follows this sentence shows that CPM is underestimating the role of electoral politics, role of BJP being in power for BJP. This becomes clear when he says that ‘Electoral defeats do not necessarily weaken and isolate communal forces’. The point of continuous ongoing struggle against communal forces is very relevant and crucial for protection of democratic ethos, but one has to wake up to the fact that electoral success for BJP has given communal forces a big ‘lift’ every time BJP comes to power. The electoral defeat similarly weakens the communal agenda. To begin with the latter, lets hypothetically assume BJP had won in Bihar assembly 2015, would that have strengthened communalism or not?

Today’s clout of RSS agenda has been contributed a lot due to BJP being in power earlier in 1998 and now in 2014. While communal agenda operates at multiple social, educational levels, it also operates by infiltrating into state apparatus, into bureaucracy and police in particular. It also has an agenda of working through education and media apart from other cultural mechanisms. One concedes that these aspects of RSS agenda were operational even before 1996 and then 1998 when BJP came to power at the Center. The point is; once they occupy the seats of direct political power they facilitate the activities of the BJP associates, which are mistakenly called fringe elements, as they are the inalienable part of RSS scheme of things, as they are part of ‘division of labor’ within the Hindutva umbrella.

Even in the earlier BJP led NDA regime, we saw the regressive saffronisation of education amongst other components of communal agenda, out in the open. With Modi Sarkar coming to power in May 2014, Karat can perceive the qualitative leap in the divisive agenda of Hindu nationalism. Since May 2014, the march of this agenda has become more intimidating and stifling. It is this intensity of communal politics, which led to the ‘Award Wapasi’ by the eminent citizens. We do need to recall that with the formation of Janata Party in 1977, three cabinet ministers were inducted in the cabinet from the previous avatar of BJP, the Jansangh. What is clear is that with that the process in which the RSS cadres or sympathizers come to occupy a space in media and education apart from other social intuitions, became more dominant then before.

From May 2014, Karat needs to recall as to how systematically the institutions of national importance are being occupied by those who are believers of Hindu nationalism (FTTI, National Book Trust among others). Efforts have been made to intensify the communal campaigns around beef eating, love jihad and ghar wapasi. The sharpness of anti-Pakistan hysteria became intense even before Pathankot terrorist attack took place.

One welcomes the innovative thinking comrades are having, but this initiative has to be supplanted by an additional goal of ensuring that communal forces are kept away from the seats of power. This realisation should make the CPM and other parliamentary left recall as to how left was able to act as the force; which tried to keep the ruling Congress in UPA I on track as, as they could influence many a policies. Today also there is a need for the left to learn from what non-party secular groups and individual have contributed to the anti-communal struggle. Be it the struggle for defense of minority rights in Gujarat or Kandhamal for example, or be it the programs to reach the secular understanding to the people at large or be it the cultural initiatives to promote the diversity and pluralism, all these have contributed to the resistance against communal onslaught.

Cultural initiatives promoting pluralism and harmony have to be part of the struggle against the sectarian mindset and divisive stereotypes which have become part of the social common sense. While taking up the issues of marginalized sections, the issues of religious minorities need to be underlined. The attempt to address women’s issues, issues related to caste, Adivasis and other marginalised sections on regular basis are welcome with a proviso that Left also needs to become an important player in electoral battles to ensure that those taking oath in the name of Hindu nationalism are confronted at electoral level as well as electoral victories enhance the clout of communalism in a very strong measure. That also means that left has to think of electoral alliances which ensure that the votaries of Indian nationalism, despite some of their shortcoming are supported and allied with. This can be a major departure from what left parties have been practising so far.

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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Ram Puniyani
March 14,2020

In the wake of Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) UN High Commissioner, Michele Bachelet, has filed an intervention in the Supreme Court petition challenging the constitutionality of the Citizenship Amendment Act, as she is critical of CAA. Responding to her, India’s Foreign Minister S. Jai Shanker strongly rebutted her criticism, saying that the body (UNHCR) has been wrong and is blind to the problem of cross border terrorism. The issue on hand is the possibility of scores of people, mainly Muslims, being declared as stateless. The problem at hand is the massive exercise of going through the responses/documents from over 120 crore of Indian population and screening documents, which as seen in Assam, yield result which are far from truthful or necessary.

The issue of CAA has been extensively debated and despite heavy critique of the same by large number of groups and despite the biggest mass opposition ever to any move in Independent India, the Government is determined on going ahead with an exercise which is reminiscent of the dreaded regimes which are sectarian and heartless to its citizens, which have indulged in extinction of large mass of people on grounds of citizenship, race etc. The Foreign minister’s assertion is that it is a matter internal to India, where India’s sovereignty is all that matters! As far as sovereignty is concerned we should be clear that in current times any sovereign power has to consider the need to uphold the citizenship as per the principle of non-discrimination which is stipulated in Art.26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political (ICCPR) rights.

Can such policies, which affect large number of people and are likely to affect their citizenship be purely regarded as ‘internal’? With the World turning into a global village, some global norms have been formulated during last few decades. The norms relate to Human rights and migrations have been codified. India is also signatory to many such covenants in including ICCPR, which deals with the norms for dealing with refugees from other countries. One is not talking of Chicago speech of Swami Vivekanand, which said that India’s greatness has been in giving shelter to people from different parts of the World; one is also not talking of the Tattariaya Upanishad’s ‘Atithi Devovhav’ or ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbkam’ from Mahaupanishad today.

What are being talked about are the values and opinions of organizations which want to ensure to preserve of Human rights of all people Worldwide. In this matter India is calling United Nations body as ‘foreign party’; having no locus standi in the case as it pertains to India’s sovereignty. The truth is that since various countries are signatories to UN covenants, UN bodies have been monitoring the moves of different states and intervening at legal level as Amicus (Friend of the Court) to the courts in different countries and different global bodies. Just to mention some of these, UN and High Commissioner for Human Rights has often submitted amicus briefs in different judicial platforms. Some examples are their intervention in US Supreme Court, European Court of Human Rights, International Criminal Court, and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. These are meant to help the Courts in areas where UN bodies have expertise.

 Expertise on this has been jointly formulated by various nations. These interventions also remind the nations as to what global norms have been evolved and what are the obligations of individual states to the values which have evolved over a period of time. Arvind Narrain draws our attention to the fact that, “commission has intervened in the European Court of Human Rights in cases involving Spain and Italy to underscore the principle of non-refoulement, which bars compulsory expulsion of illegal migrants… Similarly, the UN has intervened in the International Criminal Court in a case against the Central African Republic to explicate on the international jurisprudence on rape as a war crime.”

From time to time organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have been monitoring the status of Human rights of different countries. This puts those countries in uncomfortable situation and is not welcome by those establishments. How should this contradiction between ‘internal matter’, ‘sovereignty’ and the norms for Human rights be resolved? This is a tough question at the time when the freedom indices and democratic ethos are sliding downwards all over the world. In India too has slid down on the scale of these norms.

In India we can look at the intervention of UN body from the angle of equality and non discrimination. Democratic spirit should encourage us to have a rethink on the matters which have been decided by the state. In the face of the greatest mass movement of Shaheen bagh, the state does need to look inwards and give a thought to international morality, the spirit of global family to state the least.

The popular perception is that when Christians were being persecuted in Kandhmal the global Christian community’s voice was not strong enough. Currently in the face of Delhi carnage many a Muslim majority countries have spoken. While Mr. Modi claims that his good relations with Muslim countries are a matter of heartburn to the parties like Congress, he needs to relook at his self gloating. Currently Iran, Malaysia, Indonesia and many Muslim majority countries have spoken against what Modi regime is unleashing in India. Bangladesh, our neighbor, has also seen various protests against the plight of Muslims in India. More than the ‘internal matter’ etc. what needs to be thought out is the moral aspect of the whole issue. We pride ourselves in treading the path of morality. What does that say in present context when while large section of local media is servile to the state, section of global media has strongly brought forward what is happening to minorities in India.   

The hope is that Indian Government wakes up to its International obligations, to the worsening of India’s image in the World due to CAA and the horrific violence witnessed in Delhi.

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