Finally, this techie returns from US to meet his lonely mom, finds her skeleton

Bengaluru, Apr 30: Four ministers of Karnataka have gone into self-quarantine after they got here in touch with a video journalist of native channel who has examined optimistic for COVID-19. The listing contains state’s Deputy Chief Minister Dr Ashwath Narayan.

All 4 introduced the quarantine on Twitter.

Mr Narayan, dwelling minister Basvaraj Bommai , medical training Minister Dr. Sudhakar and tourism minister CT Ravi tweeted to say that they’ve examined detrimental for coronavirus however will likely be beneath self-quarantine.

They mentioned they got here in touch with a video journalist from a neighborhood tv channel  who was discovered COVID-19 optimistic on April 24. He had met the ministers between April 21 and April 24.

At least 40 different contacts of the video journalist, together with his household and journalists from numerous media retailers have been quarantined, reported news agency.

Earlier this month, Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani put himself in quarantine after an MLA who attended a gathering with him turned out to be coronavirus-positive.

Karnataka to date had 532 circumstances of coronavirus. Of them, 215 sufferers recovered and 20 sufferers died.

Earlier immediately, the state authorities determined to chill out lockdown restrictions in plenty of districts the place the coronavirus has not had a serious affect. The authorities is permitting industries to operate in these areas with sure circumstances.

The listing contains spots in Chamarajnagar, Koppal, Chikmagaluru, Raichur, Chitradurga, Hassan, Shivamogga, Haveri, Yadgir, Kolar, Udupi, Davanagere and Kodagu districts.

Manufacturing will likely be allowed within the particular financial zones in these districts and standalone outlets exterior municipal limits will likely be allowed to operate.

Bengaluru, May 11: Ten new positive cases of COVID-19 have been confirmed in Karnataka, taking the total number of infections in the state to 858, the Health department said on Monday.

"Ten new positive cases have been reported from last evening to this noon... Till date 858 COVID-19 positive cases have been confirmed. This includes 31 deaths and 422 discharges," the department said in its mid-day situation update. 

The ten new cases include- three from Davangere, two each from Bidar and Bagalkote, one each from Kalaburagi, Shiggavi in Haveri and Vijayapura. Seven cases are men, three are women.

While most cases are contacts of patients already tested positive, one each are with travel history to Mumbai and Ahmedabad.

One person's contact tracing is underway. 

Mar 3: Just hours after the ending of a week-long “reduction” in violence that was crucial for Donald Trump’s peace deal in Afghanistan, the Taliban struck again: On Monday, they killed three people and injured about a dozen at a football match in Khost province. This resumption of violence will not surprise anyone actually invested in peace for that troubled country. The point of the U.S.-Taliban deal was never peace. It was to try and cover up an ignominious exit for the U.S., driven by an election-bound president who feels no responsibility toward that country or to the broader region.

Seen from South Asia, every point we know about in the agreement is a concession by Trump to the Taliban. Most importantly, it completes a long-term effort by the U.S. to delegitimize the elected government in Kabul — and, by extension, Afghanistan’s constitution. Afghanistan’s president is already balking at releasing 5,000 Taliban prisoners before intra-Afghan talks can begin — a provision that his government did not approve.

One particularly cringe-worthy aspect: The agreement refers to the Taliban throughout  as “the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan that is not recognized by the United States as a state and is known as the Taliban.” This unwieldy nomenclature validates the Taliban’s claim to be a government equivalent to the one in Kabul, just not the one recognised at the moment by the U.S. When read together with the second part of the agreement, which binds the U.S. to not “intervene in [Afghanistan’s] domestic affairs,” the point is obvious: The Taliban is not interested in peace, but in ensuring that support for its rivals is forbidden, and its path to Kabul is cleared.

All that the U.S. has effectively gotten in return is the Taliban’s assurance that it will not allow the soil of Afghanistan to be used against the “U.S. and its allies.” True, the U.S. under Trump has shown a disturbing willingness to trust solemn assurances from autocrats; but its apparent belief in promises made by a murderous theocratic movement is even more ridiculous. Especially as the Taliban made much the same promise to an Assistant Secretary of State about Osama bin Laden while he was in the country plotting 9/11.

Nobody in the region is pleased with this agreement except for the Taliban and their backers in the Pakistani military. India has consistently held that the legitimate government in Kabul must be the basic anchor of any peace plan. Ordinary Afghans, unsurprisingly, long for peace — but they are, by all accounts, deeply skeptical about how this deal will get them there. The brave activists of the Afghan Women’s Network are worried that intra-Afghan talks will take place without adequate representation of the country’s women — who have, after all, the most to lose from a return to Taliban rule.

But the Pakistani military establishment is not hiding its glee. One retired general tweeted: “Big victory for Afghan Taliban as historic accord signed… Forced Americans to negotiate an accord from the position of parity. Setback for India.” Pakistan’s army, the Taliban’s biggest backer, longs to re-install a friendly Islamist regime in Kabul — and it has correctly estimated that, after being abandoned by Trump, the Afghan government will have sharply reduced bargaining power in any intra-Afghan peace talks. A deal with the Taliban that fails also to include its backers in the Pakistani military is meaningless.

India, meanwhile, will not see this deal as a positive for regional peace or its relationship with the U.S. It comes barely a week after Trump’s India visit, which made it painfully clear that shared strategic concerns are the only thing keeping the countries together. New Delhi remembers that India is not, on paper, a U.S. “ally.” In that respect, an intensification of terrorism targeting India, as happened the last time the U.S. withdrew from the region, would not even be a violation of Trump’s agreement. One possible outcome: Over time the government in New Delhi, which has resolutely sought to keep its ties with Kabul primarily political, may have to step up security cooperation. Nobody knows where that would lead.

The irresponsible concessions made by the U.S. in this agreement will likely disrupt South Asia for years to come, and endanger its own relationship with India going forward. But worst of all, this deal abandons those in Afghanistan who, under the shadow of war, tried to develop, for the first time, institutions that work for all Afghans. No amount of sanctimony about “ending America’s longest war” should obscure the danger and immorality of this sort of exit.