HDK’s actor son Nikhil likely to contest LS polls from Mandya, Revanna’s son Prajwal from Hassan

News Network
January 13, 2019

Mandya, Jan 13: Former Prime Minister H D Deve Gowda’s grandson and incumbent Karnataka chief minister H D Kumaraswamy Nikhil Gowda aka Nikhil Kumar is likely to contest upcoming Lok Sabha polls on JD(S) ticket from Mandya constituency.

According to sources, JD(S) leader LR Shivarame Gowda, who won from Mandya in the recent bypolls, has already been convinced by Kumaraswamy to make way for his 28-year-old son, who has already gained popularity as an actor.

The news comes days after Deve Gowda announced that Prajwal Revanna, son of PWD minister HD Revanna, will contest from the Hassan Lok Sabha seat in the upcoming polls.

“A few party leaders from Mandya have been pressuring me to contest the LS polls. As the chief minister’s son, I have some responsibilities. If the party leaders decide that I have to contest the elections, I have no choice,” Nikhil said while touring Mandya on Saturday. He added, “It doesn’t mean that my film career is over. I will act in films and concentrate on my political responsibilities.”

The move to field Nikhil was not an afterthought, family sources said, as the 28-year-old is seen as the heir to Kumaraswamy’s legacy. He is being pushed to contest elections because of his father’s deteriorating health.

Nikhil made his Sandalwood debut in 2016 with Jaguar, and his second film, Seetarama Kalyana, is all set to release on January 25. He is shooting for another bigbudget film, Kurukshetra, being produced by RR Nagar Congress MLA Munirathna.

If both grandsons get tickets, and if Gowda himself decides to contest from Mysuru or Bengaluru North Lok Sabha seat, three members of the JD(S) first family will be fighting the upcoming Lok Sabha polls. In the recent bypolls, Kumaraswamy’s wife Anitha successfully contested from Ramanagara after it was vacated by him to retain Channapatna.

Comments

Anti-racist
 - 
Sunday, 13 Jan 2019

How come Nikhil and Prajwal got that color? That’s their real skin color or edited in photoshop? Or makeup?

Ibrahim
 - 
Sunday, 13 Jan 2019

JDS differ from Cong.  JDS is party of a family. its not family politics unlike congress.. 

D Prabhu
 - 
Sunday, 13 Jan 2019

Oh... 3G gowdas.... i think in next 10 years 4G gowds will enter politics. 

Joseph Stalin
 - 
Sunday, 13 Jan 2019

What ever. We need good governance

Suresh
 - 
Sunday, 13 Jan 2019

Family politics. This is the curse

Vinod
 - 
Sunday, 13 Jan 2019

if there is no family politics, then no jds

Sruti Kotian
 - 
Sunday, 13 Jan 2019

HDK's son is not good as an actor.

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News Network
January 23,2020

Mangaluru, Jan 23: Members of the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) on Thursday held a protest against the Karnataka government, accusing it of shielding Aditya Rao, the main accused of planting an improvised explosive device (IED) at the Mangaluru airport on January 20.

Meanwhile, the Judicial Magistrate First Class (JMFC) Court has sent the accused Aditya Rao to 10 days police custody.

Earlier on Wednesday, the Bengaluru Police said that the procedure is being followed to hand-over to the Mangaluru Police a suspect who surrendered before it two days after planting an improvised explosive device (IED) at the Mangaluru International Airport.

The IED was later defused in an open field by the personnel of the bomb disposal squad.

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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News Network
March 29,2020

Bengaluru, Mar 29: Seven new COVID-19 cases have been confirmed in Karnataka since Saturday 5 pm to 2 pm on Sunday.

The total number of positive cases in the state stands at 83, out of which five have been cured/discharged and three have lost their lives, according to the Karnataka Health Department.

A total of 979 confirmed cases of COVID-19 have been reported in India, informed the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare on Sunday.

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