I want to be with my husband: Hadiya; Dean will be your guardian: SC

Bengaluru, Feb 29: The BJP leaders in Karnataka rallied behind Vijayapura MLA Basanagouda Patil Yatnal amid a controversy over his remarks that centenarian freedom fighter HS Doreswamy was a "Pakistani agent."

The saffron party leaders have extended support to Yatnal, days after he called Doreswamy a "fake freedom fighter" who behaves like a "Pakistani agent".

Yatnal made the comments at a press conference on February 25 while reacting to a query on a public meeting organised by the Congress titled 'Save the Constitution'.

"There are many fake freedom fighters. There is one in Bengaluru. Now we have to say what Doreswamy is. Where is that old man? He behaves like a Pakistan agent," Patil had said.

"Doreswamy is an elderly person and senior to all. He had participated in various agitations. He should also see what to talk and who will be hurt with those statements. We have all seen what he said about Prime Minister Narendra Modi," Primary and Secondary Education Minister S Suresh Kumar told reporters in Kodagu on Saturday reacting to Yatnal's outburst against Doreswamy.

Noting that the statements were made in bitter taste, Kumar said, "If you speak unpleasant (things), you will hear unpleasant."

Bellary City MLA G Somashekara Reddy too backed Yatnal saying that the his statement was appropriate. "There is nothing wrong in his statement. It is absolutely correct. I support him. It is not just okay to be a freedom fighter, but he should be a 'Deshbhakt' (patriot) too, who respects the unity and integrity of the nation."

On Friday, another BJP Minister KS Eshwarappa slammed Doreswamy alleging that he had visited Amulya Leona's residence and shared a good relationship with her family.

Leona had raised 'Pakistan Zindabad' slogans at an anti-CAA event here on February 21, taking everybody present by shock and dismay.

"We respect Doreswamy but he dances to the tune of Congress and supports whatever their leaders say," Eshwarappa said.

Bengaluru, Jan 13: Right-wing organisations, along with BJP and RSS workers, will take out a massive padayatra in Kanakapura on Monday, protesting against the construction of a Jesus Christ statue.

The event organised by the Hindu Jagarana Vedike (HJV) will witness a rally from the Aiyappa temple in Kanakapura to the taluk panchayat office, where a memorandum will be submitted to the authorities following a public meeting.

Ahead of the event, Congress leader D K Shivakumar, in a video message released on Sunday, urged the people of Kanakapura to maintain calm. The former minister cast apprehensions over the event scheduled on Monday and said provocative statements may be made to disturb peace and harmony in Kanakapura.

Shivakumar, who represents the Kanakapura constituency, said the motive of the meeting by the leaders and workers of the BJP and the RSS, along with seers of mutts, was to defame his constituency.

“If any remarks are made against me, my brother (D K Suresh) or people of different faiths in Kanakapura constituency, do not be provoked,” he urged.

“Members of the (Christian) community have prayed at the site for 400 years and are trying to install a statue of Jesus Christ. I have helped the community like I aided hundreds of temples and educational institutions,” he said.

Appealing to maintain peace, Shivakumar said that BJP and RSS leaders were free to petition anybody.  

The BJP and right-wing organisations have objected to the construction of the statue at Kapala Betta, with the BJP government ordering a probe into how road, power supply and other facilities were provided to the hill. Recently, Christian leaders had petitioned Chief Minister B S Yediyurappa to remove any impediments to the construction of the statue.

Jan 13: For the first time in years, the government of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi is playing defense. Protests have sprung up across the country against an amendment to India’s laws — which came into effect on Friday — that makes it easier for members of some religions to become citizens of India. The government claims this is simply an attempt to protect religious minorities in the Muslim-majority countries that border India; but protesters see it as the first step toward a formal repudiation of India’s constitutionally guaranteed secularism — and one that must be resisted.

Modi was re-elected prime minister last year with an enhanced majority; his hold over the country’s politics is absolute. The formal opposition is weak, discredited and disorganized. Yet, somehow, the anti-Citizenship Act protests have taken hold. No political party is behind them; they are generally arranged by student unions, neighborhood associations and the like.

Yet this aspect of their character is precisely what will worry Modi and his right-hand man, Home Minister Amit Shah. They know how to mock and delegitimize opposition parties with ruthless efficiency. Yet creating a narrative that paints large, flag-waving crowds as traitors is not quite that easy.

For that is how these protests look: large groups of young people, many carrying witty signs and the national flag. They meet and read the preamble to India’s Constitution, into which the promise of secularism was written in the 1970’s.

They carry photographs of the Constitution’s drafter, the Columbia University-trained economist and lawyer B. R. Ambedkar. These are not the mobs the government wanted. They hoped for angry Muslims rampaging through the streets of India’s cities, whom they could point to and say: “See? We must protect you from them.” But, in spite of sometimes brutal repression, the protests have largely been nonviolent.

One, in Shaheen Bagh in a Muslim-dominated sector of New Delhi, began simply as a set of local women in a square, armed with hot tea and blankets against the chill Delhi winter. It has now become the focal point of a very different sort of resistance than what the government expected. Nothing could cure the delusions of India’s Hindu middle class, trained to see India’s Muslims as dangerous threats, as effectively as a group of otherwise clearly apolitical women sipping sweet tea and sharing their fears and food with anyone who will listen.

Modi was re-elected less than a year ago; what could have changed in India since then? Not much, I suspect, in most places that voted for him and his party — particularly the vast rural hinterland of northern India. But urban India was also possibly never quite as content as electoral results suggested. India’s growth dipped below 5% in recent quarters; demand has crashed, and uncertainty about the future is widespread. Worse, the government’s response to the protests was clearly ill-judged. University campuses were attacked, in one case by the police and later by masked men almost certainly connected to the ruling party.

Protesters were harassed and detained with little cause. The courts seemed uninterested. And, slowly, anger began to grow on social media — not just on Twitter, but also on Instagram, previously the preserve of pretty bowls of salad. Instagram is the one social medium over which Modi’s party does not have a stranglehold; and it is where these protests, with their photogenic signs and flags, have found a natural home. As a result, people across urban India who would never previously have gone to a demonstration or a political rally have been slowly politicized.

India is, in fact, becoming more like a normal democracy. “Normal,” that is, for the 2020’s. Liberal democracies across the world are politically divided, often between more liberal urban centers and coasts, and angrier, “left-behind” hinterlands. Modi’s political secret was that he was that rare populist who could unite both the hopeful cities and the resentful countryside. Yet this once magic formula seems to have become ineffective. Five of India’s six largest cities are not ruled by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party in any case — the financial hub of Mumbai changed hands recently. The BJP has set its sights on winning state elections in Delhi in a few weeks. Which way the capital’s voters will go is uncertain. But that itself is revealing — last year, Modi swept all seven parliamentary seats in Delhi.

In the end, the Citizenship Amendment Act is now law, the BJP might manage to win Delhi, and the protests might die down as the days get unmanageably hot and state repression increases. But urban India has put Modi on notice. His days of being India’s unifier are over: From now on, like all the other populists, he will have to keep one eye on the streets of his country’s cities.