Inspector’s murder during Bulandshahr violence just an ‘accident’: Yogi Adityanath

Muzaffarpur, Mar 18: Prisoners in the central jail here are working overtime to produce facemasks to prevent the deadly COVID-19 striking. In addition to providing protection to fellow inmates and prison staff, the produce will be shared with nine district and sub jails falling under Muzaffarpur Central Prison as well, Deputy Superintendent of the jail Sunil Kumar Maurya said. From supplications at places of worship to hectic activities at the biggest hospital, this north Bihar district is witnessing invocation of all powers, human and otherwise, to prevent novel coronavirus hitting them.

Although nobody has so far tested positive for the dreaded virus in Bihar, where the state government has imposed a semi-lockdown as a preventive measure, Muzaffarpur which hit the headlines last year for losing close to 200 children to an outbreak of brain fever seems determined not to fall prey to yet another virulent affliction.

On making of facemasks by about 50 prisoners, the Deputy Superintendent of the jail said, "We have had a tradition of producing fabric at the Muzaffarpur Central Jail. An idea was floated why not use the skills acquired for producing masks which are in great demand but in short supply.

The local administration seems impressed with the endeavour of the social outcasts to rise to a global challenge.

"It is a welcome step. Despite all precautions, we never know who is going to catch the infection at which place. The efforts by prisoners to protect themselves and the staff manning their premises is laudable. "Full assistance will be provided to Central Jail authorities in supply of the masks to other prisons," Sub Divisional Magistrate (East) Kundan Kumar said.

A conservative town inhabited by a deeply religious citizenry, Muzaffarpur is also witnessing prayer congregations at temples and mosques in keeping with the tradition here of people of all faiths coming together when faced with a major challenge.

The Garib Nath temple, a renowned shrine devoted to Lord Shiva which attracts devotees from far and wide, is witness to the power of faith trumping the biggest fears as the footfall seems to have increased since the outbreak.

The temples mahant Vinay Pathak says, "faith can move mountains. People come here in search of strength to face a crisis which has caused worldwide scare. We advise the visitors to conduct regular 'havans' at their houses just like we have been performing here. "The smoke emitted by burning of purified offerings cleanses the air and, who knows, could be an antidote as well," Pathak added.

Chanting of 'Mahamrityunjay mantra', which the faith believe to be potent enough to dispel illness and untimely death, is taking place round the clock at the shrine in addition to 'havans', the mahant said.

Just a few yards away stands the Chhata Chowk mosque where large number of devotees appear in skull-caps to offer namaz.

"It is a pandemic threatening to engulf the entire world and dua (prayers) are needed as much as dawa (medicines). May God, who is one, listen to the common wish expressed by humanity in myriad ways," says Imtiaz Ahmed, a devout local resident.

Meanwhile, the health authorities are busy with their own efforts, not leaving prevention and cure to divine intervention.

District Medical Officer Shailesh Kumar Singh says a total of 42 people here who have come from abroad, have been tested but their results have been negative.

"Nonetheless, a five-bed special ward has been set up at the Sadar Hospital, manned by medical staff armed with a special kit comprising medicines and other logistics required for primary care of those with suspected symptoms," he said.

The SKMCH referral hospital, which bore the brunt of last years brain fever epidemic accounting for over 120 deaths is fully geared up to meet the latest challenge.

SKMCH superintendent Sunil Shahi says "we have a 30- ward insulation ward ready. Samples of patients with suspected symptoms are being routinely sent to RMRI, Patna. We appeal to all to remain alert, but avoid panic."

Dirbrugarh, Feb 4: Three persons, including two BJP activists, have been arrested for allegedly attacking the residence of Union minister Rameswar Teli during anti-CAA protests in Assam, police said on Monday.

The house of Teli, Union Minister of State for Food Processing, in Upper Assam's Duliajan town was attacked on December 11 during the statewide stir against the contentious Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019.

"Based on CCTV footages, Debajit Hazarika, Vicky Sonar and Arup Kahar were arrested. We had picked them up on Sunday," Dibrugarh Superintendent of Police, Sreejith T told PTI.

A total of 18 persons have been arrested so far for allegedly attacking Teli's house, he said.

"These three persons were also involved in pelting stones on a police party during protests in Duliajan," Sreejith said.

A BJP source confirmed that Debajit Hazarika and Vicky Sonar are party activists.

Family members of the accused have given statements to the police on the arrested persons' alleged role in violence and attacking Teli's house, sources said.

When contacted, Teli said, "I do not know for what reasons they were apprehended. But if police arrested them after proper investigation, then there must be some truth. The trio stays near my house. They always attended my programmes with their families."

A total of 88 people have been arrested so far from Dibrugarh district for their alleged involvement in violence during protests against the Act.

Jun 9: Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants all 1.3 billion Indians to be “vocal for local” — meaning, to not just use domestically made products but also to promote them. As an overseas citizen living in Hong Kong, I’m doing my bit by very vocally demanding Indian mangoes on every trip to the grocery. But half the summer is gone, and not a single slice so far.

My loss is due to India’s COVID-19 lockdown, which has severely pinched logistics, a perennial challenge in the huge, infrastructure-starved country. But more worrying than the disruption is the fruity political response to it. Rather than being a wake-up call for fixing supply chains, the pandemic seems to be putting India on an isolationist course. Why?

Granted that the liberal view that trade is good and autarky bad isn’t exactly fashionable anywhere right now. What makes India’s lurch troublesome is that the pace and direction of economic nationalism may be set by domestic business interests. The Indian liberals, many of whom are Western-trained academics, authors and — at least until a few years ago — policy makers, want a more competitive economy. They will be powerless to prevent the slide.

Modi’s call for a self-reliant India has been echoed by Home Minister Amit Shah, the cabinet’s unofficial No. 2, in a television interview. If Indians don’t buy foreign-made goods, the economy will see a jump, he said. The strategy — although it’s too nebulous yet to call it that — has a geopolitical element. A military standoff with China is under way, apparently triggered by India’s completion of a road and bridge near the common border in the tense Himalayan region of Ladakh. It’s very expensive to fight even a limited war there. With India’s economy flattened by COVID, New Delhi may be looking for ways to restore the status quo and send Beijing a signal.

Economic boycotts, such as Chinese consumers’ rejection of Japanese goods over territorial disputes in the East China Sea, are well understood as statecraft. In these times, it’s not even necessary to name an enemy. An undercurrent of popular anger against China, the source of both the virus and India’s biggest bilateral trade deficit, is supposed to do the job. But is it ever that easy?

A hastily introduced policy to stock only local goods in police and paramilitary canteens became a farcical exercise after the list of banned items ended up including products by the local units of Colgate-Palmolive Co., Nestle SA, and Unilever NV, which have had significant Indian operations for between 60 and 90 years, as well as Dabur India Ltd., a New Delhi-based maker of Ayurveda brands. The since-withdrawn list demonstrates the practical difficulty of bureaucrats trying to find things in a globalized world that are 100% indigenous.

Free-trade champions fret that the prime minister, whom they saw as being on their side six years ago, is acting against their advice to dismantle statist controls on land, labor and capital to help make the country more competitive. Engage with the world more, not less, they caution. But Modi also has to satisfy the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the umbrella Hindu organisation that gets him votes. Its backbone of small traders, builders and businessmen — the RSS admits only men — was losing patience with the anemic economy even before the pandemic. Now, they’re in deep trouble, because India’s broken financial system won’t deliver even state-guaranteed loans to them.

The U.S.-China tensions — over trade, intellectual property, COVID responsibility and Hong Kong’s autonomy — offer a perfect backdrop. A dire domestic economy and trouble at the border provide the foreground. Big business will dial economic nationalism up and down to hit a trifecta of goals: Block competition from the People's Republic; make Western rivals fall in line and do joint ventures; and tap deep overseas capital markets. The first goal is being achieved with newly placed restrictions on investment from any country that shares a land border with India. The second aim is to be realized by corporate lobbying to influence India's whimsical economic policies. As for the third objective, with the regulatory environment becoming tougher for U.S.-listed Chinese companies like Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., an opportunity may open up for Indian firms.

All this may bring India Shenzhen-style enclaves of manufacturing and trade, but it will concentrate economic power in fewer hands, something that worries liberals. They’re moved by the suffering of India’s low-wage workers, who have borne the brunt of the COVID shutdown. But when their vision of a more just society and fairer income distribution prompts them to make common cause with the ideological Left, they’re quickly repelled by the Marxist voodoo that all cash, property, bonds and real estate held by citizens or within the nation “must be treated as national resources available during this crisis.” Who will invest in a country that does that instead of just printing money?

At the same time, when liberals look to the business class, they see a sudden swelling of support for ideas like a universal basic income. They wonder if this isn’t a ploy by industry to outsource part of the cost of labor to the taxpayer. Slogans like Modi’s vocal-for-local stir the pot and thicken the confusion. The value-conscious Indian consumer couldn’t give two hoots for calls to buy Indian, but large firms will know how to exploit economic nationalism. One day soon, I’ll get my mangoes — from them.