Major Gogoi, who had tied civilian to moving jeep, held for creating ruckus in hotel to stay with minor girl

News Network
May 24, 2018

Srinagar, May 24: Major Litul Gogoi, who was at the centre of the controversy over tying a civilian to the bonnet of a moving Army jeep last year, this time arrested by the Jammu and Kashmir police for creating ruckus in a hotel.

According to police the army officer turned violent while arguing with a Srinagar hotel staff who refused to allow a minor girl stay in a room booked by the army officer. The girl and a Budgam resident, who had brought the girl to the hotel, were also detained.

The police received a call from Hotel Grand Mamta, Dalgate, around 11 a.m. yesterday that an altercation had taken place there. “It surfaced that one girl (name withheld) and Sameer Ahmed of Budgam had come to meet an Army officer,” said the police.

Major Gogoi was taken to the Srinagar’s District Police Lines, where top police officials operate, “for questioning.” According to the hotel ledger, Major Gogoi had booked a room for a night for two persons (including him) in the hotel and checked in on Wednesday morning.

“One Kashmiri girl wanted to meet the officer. The hotel staffer grew suspicious about the girl who was apparently a minor. He asked for her identity document. The girl after some hesitation produced an Aadhar card. After learning about who she was, the receptionist put his foot down and told the army officer that the hotel’s policy didn’t allow him to let a local girl stay in the hotel,” the hotel staffers said.

“When we refused the entry, Major Gogoi went outside and had altercation with our employee. We called up police,” they added.

Major Gogoi was in the eye of the storm when he paraded a civilian Farooq Ahmed Dar of Chill Brass in Beerwah on the bonnet of his vehicle on April 9 2017 during the by-elections. However, Army chief General Bipin Rawat issued a commendation card to the Major claiming that he resorted to such an act to escape stone-throwers.

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Avinash Shetty
 - 
Friday, 25 May 2018

What is Maron? Do you mean the colour Maroon? or Marron - Marron is a name given to two closely related species of crayfish (also known as yabbies) in Western Australia. Formerly considered a single species, it is now recognised as comprising two species, the critically endangered Cherax tenuimanus, and the species which is outcompeting it, Cherax cainii.

 

Why are you Anti-Maron? Dont you like fish?

Anti-Maron Soldier
 - 
Thursday, 24 May 2018

one of the maron soldier of indian army...this man only shows couragous to harm unarmed innocent people...when real Paki soldied came he will piss in his pant...we dont want such maron soldier kick him from indian army

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News Network
April 13,2020

Shivamogga, Apr 13: Banana farmers in Shivamogga say their crop is rotting and they are incurring huge losses amid lockdown due to COVID-19.

The farmers alleged that although permission has been granted for the sale of agricultural products, with inter-district movements being affected, the local buyers are forcing the farmers to sell their produce at ridiculously low prices.

"Local buyers are asking us to sell bananas at Rs 4-5 per kg which is impossible for us. I do not know what we can do," Vijayendra, a farmer told ANI here.

"We expected the markets to be good during the summer season, I have cultivated bananas in four acres of land. There are thousands of other farmers who cultivate it in smaller hoardings," he added.

The farmer further implored the government to ensure there is an open market and inter-district movement of agricultural produce is allowed to ensure the farmers get the right price.

Vijayendra also said that the bananas have started rotting as they were not being harvested due to the lockdown.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi had last month announced a 21-day lockdown in the entire country effective from March 24 midnight to deal with the spread of coronavirus, saying that "social distancing" is the only option to deal with the disease, which spreads rapidly.

There is also the likelihood that the nationwide lockdown might further be extended even after the completion of the 21-day period on April 14, based on the statements from several chief ministers following a video conference with the Prime Minister held a few days earlier.

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News Network
June 9,2020

Jun 9: Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants all 1.3 billion Indians to be “vocal for local” — meaning, to not just use domestically made products but also to promote them. As an overseas citizen living in Hong Kong, I’m doing my bit by very vocally demanding Indian mangoes on every trip to the grocery. But half the summer is gone, and not a single slice so far.

My loss is due to India’s COVID-19 lockdown, which has severely pinched logistics, a perennial challenge in the huge, infrastructure-starved country. But more worrying than the disruption is the fruity political response to it. Rather than being a wake-up call for fixing supply chains, the pandemic seems to be putting India on an isolationist course. Why?

Granted that the liberal view that trade is good and autarky bad isn’t exactly fashionable anywhere right now. What makes India’s lurch troublesome is that the pace and direction of economic nationalism may be set by domestic business interests. The Indian liberals, many of whom are Western-trained academics, authors and — at least until a few years ago — policy makers, want a more competitive economy. They will be powerless to prevent the slide.

Modi’s call for a self-reliant India has been echoed by Home Minister Amit Shah, the cabinet’s unofficial No. 2, in a television interview. If Indians don’t buy foreign-made goods, the economy will see a jump, he said. The strategy — although it’s too nebulous yet to call it that — has a geopolitical element. A military standoff with China is under way, apparently triggered by India’s completion of a road and bridge near the common border in the tense Himalayan region of Ladakh. It’s very expensive to fight even a limited war there. With India’s economy flattened by COVID, New Delhi may be looking for ways to restore the status quo and send Beijing a signal.

Economic boycotts, such as Chinese consumers’ rejection of Japanese goods over territorial disputes in the East China Sea, are well understood as statecraft. In these times, it’s not even necessary to name an enemy. An undercurrent of popular anger against China, the source of both the virus and India’s biggest bilateral trade deficit, is supposed to do the job. But is it ever that easy?

A hastily introduced policy to stock only local goods in police and paramilitary canteens became a farcical exercise after the list of banned items ended up including products by the local units of Colgate-Palmolive Co., Nestle SA, and Unilever NV, which have had significant Indian operations for between 60 and 90 years, as well as Dabur India Ltd., a New Delhi-based maker of Ayurveda brands. The since-withdrawn list demonstrates the practical difficulty of bureaucrats trying to find things in a globalized world that are 100% indigenous.

Free-trade champions fret that the prime minister, whom they saw as being on their side six years ago, is acting against their advice to dismantle statist controls on land, labor and capital to help make the country more competitive. Engage with the world more, not less, they caution. But Modi also has to satisfy the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the umbrella Hindu organisation that gets him votes. Its backbone of small traders, builders and businessmen — the RSS admits only men — was losing patience with the anemic economy even before the pandemic. Now, they’re in deep trouble, because India’s broken financial system won’t deliver even state-guaranteed loans to them.

The U.S.-China tensions — over trade, intellectual property, COVID responsibility and Hong Kong’s autonomy — offer a perfect backdrop. A dire domestic economy and trouble at the border provide the foreground. Big business will dial economic nationalism up and down to hit a trifecta of goals: Block competition from the People's Republic; make Western rivals fall in line and do joint ventures; and tap deep overseas capital markets. The first goal is being achieved with newly placed restrictions on investment from any country that shares a land border with India. The second aim is to be realized by corporate lobbying to influence India's whimsical economic policies. As for the third objective, with the regulatory environment becoming tougher for U.S.-listed Chinese companies like Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., an opportunity may open up for Indian firms.

All this may bring India Shenzhen-style enclaves of manufacturing and trade, but it will concentrate economic power in fewer hands, something that worries liberals. They’re moved by the suffering of India’s low-wage workers, who have borne the brunt of the COVID shutdown. But when their vision of a more just society and fairer income distribution prompts them to make common cause with the ideological Left, they’re quickly repelled by the Marxist voodoo that all cash, property, bonds and real estate held by citizens or within the nation “must be treated as national resources available during this crisis.” Who will invest in a country that does that instead of just printing money?

At the same time, when liberals look to the business class, they see a sudden swelling of support for ideas like a universal basic income. They wonder if this isn’t a ploy by industry to outsource part of the cost of labor to the taxpayer. Slogans like Modi’s vocal-for-local stir the pot and thicken the confusion. The value-conscious Indian consumer couldn’t give two hoots for calls to buy Indian, but large firms will know how to exploit economic nationalism. One day soon, I’ll get my mangoes — from them.

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News Network
February 29,2020

Kochi, Feb 29: The Kerala Non-Resident Indians' Commission on Friday passed a resolution to request the Centre and Election Commission (EC) to make appropriate amendments in the Representation of Peoples Act, 1951, to ensure voting rights to the non-resident Indians working abroad. According to People’s Representation Act, 1951, None-Resident Indians (NRIs) can vote by proxy.

The Commission is a statutory body constituted for the welfare of Non-Resident Keralites working outside India.

The Centre had introduced a bill for this purpose which was passed by the Lok Sabha in 2018, but the same has since lapsed.

Therefore, the Kerala NRI Commission decided to request the Centre to consider introducing the bill in the next session of Parliament considering the interest of the NRI community at large.

The resolution was moved by commission member and NRI entrepreneur Shamsheer Vayalil, who is also a petitioner in the writ petition, filed regarding this in the Supreme Court.

"The central government may consider introducing the bill in the next session of the Parliament session considering the interest of the NRI community at large," read the resolution which will now be sent to the Ministry of Law and the Election Commission (EC).

Commission chairman Justice PD Rajan said the right to vote for NRIs is a genuine demand.

"This is the time that we step up pressure on the agencies concerned to implement this. Voting from the workplace would be a different experience for them. It would be a decisive step," he said.

This fresh development comes at a time when a petition filed in the Supreme Court on the same topic last week came before a bench headed by Justice Deepak Gupta, which considered the case and said it will be heard in April.

"We are expecting a favourable decision from the Supreme Court. We would also approach the NRI commission in other states and request them to raise the same demand," said Vayalil.

If implemented, millions of NRIs around the world would be able to exercise their franchise in the electoral processes of the nation. According to the estimate of the Ministry of External Affairs, there are about 3.10 crore NRIs.

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