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The Indian government has advised expats in the UAE and the Gulf against travel till flight curbs to their home country are lifted. This follows the clamour from some quarters for special repatriation flights to India.

A senior Indian External Affairs Ministry (foreign ministry) official said Indian citizens are safe in the countries they reside in. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had spoken to leaders of Gulf countries who assured him of their welfare, the Indian foreign ministry said. Meanwhile, the Minister of State for External Affairs, V Muraleedharan,, according to a Malayalam news report, also ruled out special flights.

Responding to a question from Khaleej Times on blue-collar workers' angst following job losses, Vikas Swarup, Secretary West in the foreign ministry said, "Insofar as repatriation is concerned, as you are aware, government has advised against all travel, and Indians have been told to stay where they are, As and when the (21-day) lockdown is lifted, and normal civil aviation resumes, Indians wishing to come back will be able to do so."

According to the latest data from the Indian foreign affairs ministry, there are 1,400 cases of Covid-19 infections among Indian expats in the Gulf region.

Swarup said infected Indians are being treated and kept in isolation in the UAE and Gulf. "Our missions have established contact with all the community leaders and the situation is under control," he said.

Cargo flights operating as usual  

Cargo flights carrying fruits and vegetables from India to the Gulf have not been disrupted and would continue as usual, the diplomat said. "We are also helping with medicines based on the requests of Gulf countries," he said.

Eight million India expats live in the Gulf, including close to three million in the UAE. They account for more than 60 per cent of remittances to their home country.

India's long lockdown of 21 says ends next Tuesday. Indications are that it could be extended. Some states like Orissa have already stretched it till the end of the month and others are expected to follow suit.

The government believes that the disease is now concentrated in 75 districts, and the focus should be on these areas to manage and contain the virus.

Mangaluru/Bengaluru, Jan 23: A day after two senior functionaries of the BJP — a deputy chief minister and a political secretary to the chief minister — made provocative speeches against a minority community, Nalin Kumar Kateel, state president of the saffron party, on Wednesday issued a gag order, banning functionaries from talking on issues without the party’s approval.

Deputy CM Govind Karjol and Honnalli legislator MP Renukacharya had passed comments castigating Muslims, in the process seriously denting the image of the party which is trying to avoid controversies in its efforts to allay fears on the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. The comments come on the heels of Ballari City legislator Somashekara Reddy warning Muslims at a pro-CAA rally of repercussions if they do not fall in line.

Kateel said a gag order has been “clearly” communicated to all concerned at a recent meeting that he and chief minister BS Yediyurappa had chaired. “Our message to party functionaries is in line with what Prime Minister Narendra Modi has told his council of ministers and party MPs — to focus on their work and constituencies rather than comment on issues. Let them leave this task to official spokespersons of the party,” Kateel said.

However, it appears the message hasn’t gone through to Renukacharya, Yediyurappa’s political secretary. A day after courting controversy by saying anti-nationals were using mosques to store weapons, Renukacharya said he stood by his comments and launched a fresh tirade against madrasas, saying they were manipulating youth and encouraging terrorism.

Speaking to reporters on Wednesday, Renukacharya said: “In our [temple-run] institutions, nothing anti-national is taught. We only teach values that are mandated for life. But at madrasas, youth are manipulated by teaching terrorism. Why do we need such schools? The majority of those accused of terrorism are Muslims.”

He immediately followed up this comment by saying he did not imply all Muslims were terrorists. The Honnalli MLA justified his comments saying he did not receive a single Muslim vote in the 2018 assembly elections. “They [Muslims] come to us seeking our help. They want the BJP for development, but when it comes to elections, they vote for Congress and JD(S),” Renukacharya said. He said no “special packages” will be distributed to Muslims in his constituency.

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.