Your closure report a bid to shield Modi, Bhatt tells Raghavan

May 17, 2012

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Ahmedabad, May 17: The suspended IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt says the closure report submitted by the Supreme Court-appointed Special Investigation Team (SIT) only confirmed his long-standing apprehension that it was only working to “shield” Chief Minister Narendra Modi and other “powerful persons” from legal punishment for their involvement in the 2002 Gujarat pogrom.

In a letter to SIT Chairman R. K. Raghavan on Wednesday, Mr. Bhatt said it was “outrageously shocking” that even after his repeated requests the SIT did not issue any timely direction to the State government for preservation and production of vital contemporaneous documents, and allowed it to selectively destroy the potentially incriminating documents “with the tacit blessings of the SIT.”

Claiming that the closure report made it apparently clear that the SIT was carrying out “further investigation” even after the September 12, 2011 Supreme Court order to submit its final report to a competent metropolitan magistrate's court in Ahmedabad, Mr. Bhatt said it was done “with the sole purpose and motive of shielding Mr. Modi and other powerful accused persons from legal punishment.”

Mr. Bhatt said the SIT was not required to investigate the observations made by amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran but it deliberately did so to find loopholes in his report and demolish his remark that criminal cases could be framed against Mr. Modi for allegedly creating communal disharmony under Sections of the Indian Penal Code.

Referring to a confidential letter — quoted by Mr. Ramachandran in his report — allegedly sent by the Under Secretary of the State Home Department to the SIT Chairman four days after Mr. Bhatt had met the amicus curiae in Gandhinagar, the suspended IPS officer said the “Janus-faced policies, as well as the collaborative machinations of the state of Gujarat and the SIT under your stewardship, once again stand exposed in this overt attempt at influencing the ongoing investigation against the Chief Minister and other powerful persons.”

The June 26, 2011 letter, in which the State government claimed to have “retrieved” several e-mails of Mr. Bhatt, said: “It leaves no room for doubt that it is a systematic and larger conspiracy, through Mr. Sanjiv Bhatt, involving top leaders of the Congress party in Gujarat, vested interests groups surviving on [an] anti-Gujarat campaign and electronic and print media reporters all of whom have started final efforts to keep the Godhra riot issue [a]live based on concocted facts and Mr. Bhatt, through all of them, is trying to build up a story at a stage when after almost 10 long years the honourable Supreme Court has virtually concluded the judicial proceedings after undertaking tremendous judicial exercise and [as] elaborately pointed out in the affidavit of the State government.”

The letter, Mr. Bhatt claimed, was clear proof of the State government, which should be the prosecutor, trying to influence the ongoing investigation and shielding Mr. Modi and the other accused.

Mr. Bhatt took strong exception to the SIT demolishing his two fax messages dated February 27 and 28, 2002, as “concocted and unreliable.” He gave long explanations to justify his claim that the messages he sent as Deputy Commissioner of the intelligence branch then were real and established that Mr. Modi was continuously informed of the developing serious situation outside Gulberg Society but the Chief Minister refused to take any action to pre-empt the strike, and that the then Ahmedabad Police Commissioner P. C. Pande was guilty of dereliction despite being cautioned about the possible repercussions of the “Chief Minister's decision” to bring the bodies of the train carnage victims to Ahmedabad on the Gujarat Bandh day.

Mr. Bhatt said Mr. Raghavan, as a retired senior IPS officer, should have realised that the grounds the SIT had shown for calling copies of his fax messages concocted were not justified. He said the reasons that the messages did not bear any security classification, that they carried serial numbers different from the number allocated to the intelligence agency on these days or that the serial numbers were typed, instead of being handwritten as was the usual practice, were inadequate to declare his claims unreliable.

‘Nothing secret'

Attaching copies of some other fax messages, Mr. Bhatt claimed that all fax messages need not carry security classification by default as it was decided on the contents. The messages he sent did not contain any information of a confidential or secret nature warranting their bearing the security classification. It was a common practice in the Gujarat police to assign serial number 100 for urgently numbering out-of-sequence communications in emergency situations whenever it was inexpedient to obtain the specific number of the dispatch sequencing. His messages shown as carrying the serial number 100 and other weak grounds adduced did not mean these were created later. But the SIT was making “overzealous efforts to undermine the credibility of the messages.”

‘Outrageously shocking'

Mr. Bhatt said the fact that the originals of the fax messages could not be traced in the official records only strengthened his long-standing apprehension that the State government had been selectively destroying the potentially incriminating documents, and despite his repeatedly cautioning the SIT about such possibilities, it allowed the government to carry on with its destructive action. It was “outrageously shocking” that the SIT in its final report dispensed with the issue of “non-preservation or destruction of material documents and records” in just one insignificant sentence that the “efforts were made to locate the dispatch register and [the] fax register of state IB control room, but the same had been reportedly destroyed.”

‘Bid to destroy evidence'

Mr. Bhatt said: “It is now become increasingly clear that agencies and offices working under the control of the State government of Gujarat have conspired to selectively destroy potentially incriminating documents and records pertaining to the Gujarat carnage 2002. It is also apparent that despite repeated requests, the SIT did not make any fruitful efforts for the production and/or preservation of crucial and relevant records and thereby indirectly facilitated the process of destruction of very vital evidence. The SIT under your stewardship has conveniently chosen to ignore the fact that such acts on the part of the State government or its agents would amount to offences under Sections 120-B (conspiracy), 201 and 204 of the Indian Penal Code.”

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coastaldigest.com web desk
June 16,2020

New Delhi, Jun 16: Despite Prime Minister Narendra Modi led government’s attempt to downplay the border dispute with China, matters have heated up unprecedentedly along the Line of Actual Control (LAC)- the effective Sino-India border in Eastern Ladakh. 

The country has lost three precious lives – an army officer and two soldiers. The last time blood was spilled on the LAC, before the latest episode, was 45 years ago when the Chinese ambushed an Assam Rifles patrol in Tulung La.

India had lost four soldiers on October 20, 1975 in Tulung La, the last time bullets were fired on the India-China border though both the countries witnessed bitter stand-offs later at Sumdorong Chu valley in 1987, Depsang in 2013, Chumar in 2014 and Doklam in 2017.

Between 1962 and 1975, the biggest clash between India and China took place in Nathu La pass in 1967 when reports suggest that around 80 Indian soldiers were killed and many more Chinese personnel.

While three soldiers, including a Commanding Officer, were killed in the latest episode in Galwan Valley, the government describes it as a "violent clash" and does not mention opening fire.

New Delhi described the locality where the 1975 incident took place as "well within" its territory only to be rebuffed by Beijing as "sheer reversal of black and white and confusion of right and wrong".

The Ministry of External Affairs had then said that the Chinese had crossed the LAC and ambushed the soldiers while Beijing claimed the Indians entered their territory and did not return despite warnings.

The Indian government maintained that the ambush on the Assam Rifles' patrol in 1975 took place "500 metres south of Tulung" on the border between India and Tibet and "therefore in Indian territory". It said Chinese soldiers "penetrating" Indian territory implied a "change in China's position" on the border question but the Chinese denied this and blamed India for the incident.

The US diplomatic cables quoted an Indian military intelligence officer saying that the Chinese had erected stone walls on the Indian side of Tulung La and from these positions fired several hundred rounds at the Indian patrol.

"Four of the Indians had gone into a leading position while two (the ones who escaped) remained behind. The senior military intelligence officer emphasised that the soldiers on the Indian patrol were from the area and had patrolled that same region many times before," the cable said.

One of the US cables showed that former US Secretary of State and National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger sought details of the October 1975 clash "without approaching the host governments on actual location of October 20 incident". He also wanted to know what ground rules were followed regarding the proximity of LAC by border patrols.

A cable sent from the US mission in India on November 4, 1975 appeared to have doubts about the Chinese account saying it was "highly defensive".

"Given the unsettled situation on the sub-continent, particularly in Bangladesh, both Chinese and Indian authorities have authorised stepped up patrols along the disputed border. The clash may well have ensued when two such patrols unexpectedly encountered each other," it said.

Another cable from China on the same day quoted another October 1974 cable, which spoke about Chinese officials being concerned for long that "some hotheaded person on the PRC (People's Republic of China) might provoke an incident that could lead to renewed Sino-Indian hostilities. It went on to say that this clash suggested that "such concerns and apprehensions are not unwarranted".

According to the United States diplomatic cables, Chinese Foreign Ministry on November 3, 1975 disputed the statement of the MEA spokesperson, who said the incident took place inside Indian territory.

The Chinese had said "sheer reversal of black and white and confusion of right and wrong". In its version of the 1975 incident, they said Indian troops crossed the LAC at 1:30 PM at Tulung Pass on the Eastern Sector and "intruded" into their territory when personnel at the Civilian Checkpost at Chuna in Tibet warned them to withdraw.

Ignoring this, they claimed, Indian soldiers made "continual provocation and even opened fire at the Chinese civilian checkpost personnel, posing a grave threat to the life of the latter. The Chinese civilian checkpost personnel were obliged to fire back in self defence."

The Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson had also said they told the Indian side that they could collect the bodies "anytime" and on October 28, collected the bodies, weapons and ammunition and "signed a receipt".

The US cables from the then USSR suggested that the official media carried reports from Delhi on the October 1975 incident and they cited only Indian accounts of the incident "ridiculing alleged Chinese claims that the Indians crossed the line and opened fire first".

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News Network
January 18,2020

Jammu, Jan 18: Prepaid mobile connections were restored in Jammu and Kashmir on Saturday and 2G services resumed in two districts of the valley after being disconnected on August 5 last year. Voice and SMS facilities were restored for all local prepaid mobile phones across the Union territory.

Rohit Kansal, the principal secretary to the administration of Jammu and Kashmir said the order will come into effect from Saturday.

In order to consider giving mobile Internet connectivity on such SIM cards, the telecom service providers will have to verify the credentials of the subscribers, he said.

Internet service providers have been asked to provide fixed line Internet connectivity in all the 10 districts of Jammu region and two districts, Kupwara and Bandipora, in North Kashmir.

Telecom services were shut in the entire Jammu and Kashmir on August 5 when the Centre abrogated special status to the erstwhile state and also bifurcated it into two Union Territories.

However, the Supreme Court came down heavily on the UT administration last week for arbitrarily shutting down the Internet, the facility described as the fundamental right by the apex court.

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News Network
February 17,2020

New Delhi, Feb 17: Indian officials denied entry to British lawmaker Debbie Abrahams on Monday after she landed at New Delhi's Indira Gandhi International Airport.

Debbie Abrahams, a Labour Party Member of Parliament who chairs a parliamentary group focused on the Kashmir, was unable to clear customs after her valid Indian visa was rejected, her aide, Harpreet Upal, told The Associated Press.

Abrahams and Upal arrived at the airport on an Emirates flight from Dubai at 9 am. Upal said the immigration officials did not cite any reason for denying Abrahams entry and revoking her visa, a copy of which, valid until October 2020, was shared with the AP. A spokesman for India's foreign ministry did not immediately comment.

Abrahams has been a member of Parliament since 2011 and was on a two-day personal trip to India, she said in a statement.

"I tried to establish why the visa had been revoked and if I could get a 'visa on arrival' but no one seemed to know," she said in the statement.

"Even the person who seemed to be in charge said he didn't know and was really sorry about what had happened. So now I am just waiting to be deported ... unless the Indian Government has a change of heart. I'm prepared to let the fact that I've been treated like a criminal go, and I hope they will let me visit my family and friends."

Abrahams has been an outspoken critic of the Indian government's move last August stripping Jammu and Kashmir of its semi-autonomy and bifurcating the state into two Union Territories.

Shortly after the changes to Kashmir's status were passed by Parliament, Abrahams wrote a letter to India's High Commissioner to the UK, saying the action "betrays the trust of the people" of Kashmir.

India took more than 20 foreign diplomats on a visit to Kashmir last week, the second such trips in six months.

Access to the region remains tight, with no foreign journalists allowed.

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