Non-bailable warrant issued against Kingfisher, Vijay Mallya

New Delhi, Apr 23: The entire Muslim community cannot be held responsible for one group's "crime", Minority Affairs Minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi said on Thursday while reacting to instances of Muslims being blamed for the spurt in COVID-19 cases after Tablighi Jamaat congregation here, and asserted that most of the minority community members have condemned the group's action.

In an interview to news agency, Naqvi also expressed confidence that Muslims will abide by lockdown guidelines during the holy month of Ramzan.

He said across the India, imams, Ulema and Muslim organizations have unanimously decided that during Ramzan (the Islamic holy month), Muslims will not congregate in mosques, religious places and perform all rituals like 'Iftaar' (breaking of fast) and 'taraweeh' (special prayers) at home keeping in mind social distancing norms.

Naqvi said he has spoken with state waqf board officials, social and religious leaders, imams on adherence to the lockdown and social distancing guidelines during the Ramzan month starting Friday or Saturday evening and they have begun creating awareness among the people.

Asked about some people blaming Muslims for the spread of the pandemic after a large number of cases were found linked to the Tablighi Jamaat event at Nizamudddin here, Naqvi said the whole community cannot be held responsible for the "crime" of one organisation or one person.

"Whatever that organisation did, criminal negligence or crime...most Muslims have strongly reacted to it, condemned it and called for action against it. Entire community cannot be held responsible for one person or one organisation's crime," he asserted, adding that this has always been India's culture.

Last week, the Union Health Ministry had said 29.8 per cent of the total COVID-19 cases — 4,291 out of 14,378 COVID-19 infections — in the country were linked to the Tablighi Jamaat congregation in March at the group's headquarters in Delhi following which some sections of the society severely criticised Muslims, and blamed them for the spread of the pandemic in the country.

Naqvi's comments also assume significance in view of the 57-member prominent international Mulim grouping, Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), asking India to take "urgent steps" to protect the rights of its minority Muslim community and stop the incidents of "Islamophobia" in the country.

Hitting out at the OIC, the minister had said the country is "heaven for Muslims" and those trying to vitiate the atmosphere of prosperity cannot be friends of Indian Muslims.

Naqvi said those targeting Muslims are few isolated people who are trying to spread "misinformation" and "we should be united and isolate such elements".

On the COVID-19 lockdown restrictions during Ramzan, Naqvi said no Muslim wants to stay away from mosques during the holy month, but everyone has resolved to win this battle against coronavirus.

During this month, everyone should pray to God that not only India but also the entire world is freed from this COVID-19 pandemic, he said.

Asked whether Muslims have followed lockdown and social distancing guidelines till now, Naqvi said, "absolutely, the entire country is standing united in this fight against coronavirus."

"When Prime Minister Narendra Modi had appealed to people with folded hands, he had appealed to 130 crore Indians, it was not based on caste or religion. And everybody responded to his appeal and acted on it," he said.

People have faith that whatever Prime Minister Modi does is for the health and safety of the people, Naqvi said.

Asked about the role of the Opposition in the fight against COVID-19 and Congress chief Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi's suggestions, Naqvi said,"some people have criticized, but that is their habit, we don't take any offence to it."

Jun 9: Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants all 1.3 billion Indians to be “vocal for local” — meaning, to not just use domestically made products but also to promote them. As an overseas citizen living in Hong Kong, I’m doing my bit by very vocally demanding Indian mangoes on every trip to the grocery. But half the summer is gone, and not a single slice so far.

My loss is due to India’s COVID-19 lockdown, which has severely pinched logistics, a perennial challenge in the huge, infrastructure-starved country. But more worrying than the disruption is the fruity political response to it. Rather than being a wake-up call for fixing supply chains, the pandemic seems to be putting India on an isolationist course. Why?

Granted that the liberal view that trade is good and autarky bad isn’t exactly fashionable anywhere right now. What makes India’s lurch troublesome is that the pace and direction of economic nationalism may be set by domestic business interests. The Indian liberals, many of whom are Western-trained academics, authors and — at least until a few years ago — policy makers, want a more competitive economy. They will be powerless to prevent the slide.

Modi’s call for a self-reliant India has been echoed by Home Minister Amit Shah, the cabinet’s unofficial No. 2, in a television interview. If Indians don’t buy foreign-made goods, the economy will see a jump, he said. The strategy — although it’s too nebulous yet to call it that — has a geopolitical element. A military standoff with China is under way, apparently triggered by India’s completion of a road and bridge near the common border in the tense Himalayan region of Ladakh. It’s very expensive to fight even a limited war there. With India’s economy flattened by COVID, New Delhi may be looking for ways to restore the status quo and send Beijing a signal.

Economic boycotts, such as Chinese consumers’ rejection of Japanese goods over territorial disputes in the East China Sea, are well understood as statecraft. In these times, it’s not even necessary to name an enemy. An undercurrent of popular anger against China, the source of both the virus and India’s biggest bilateral trade deficit, is supposed to do the job. But is it ever that easy?

A hastily introduced policy to stock only local goods in police and paramilitary canteens became a farcical exercise after the list of banned items ended up including products by the local units of Colgate-Palmolive Co., Nestle SA, and Unilever NV, which have had significant Indian operations for between 60 and 90 years, as well as Dabur India Ltd., a New Delhi-based maker of Ayurveda brands. The since-withdrawn list demonstrates the practical difficulty of bureaucrats trying to find things in a globalized world that are 100% indigenous.

Free-trade champions fret that the prime minister, whom they saw as being on their side six years ago, is acting against their advice to dismantle statist controls on land, labor and capital to help make the country more competitive. Engage with the world more, not less, they caution. But Modi also has to satisfy the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the umbrella Hindu organisation that gets him votes. Its backbone of small traders, builders and businessmen — the RSS admits only men — was losing patience with the anemic economy even before the pandemic. Now, they’re in deep trouble, because India’s broken financial system won’t deliver even state-guaranteed loans to them.

The U.S.-China tensions — over trade, intellectual property, COVID responsibility and Hong Kong’s autonomy — offer a perfect backdrop. A dire domestic economy and trouble at the border provide the foreground. Big business will dial economic nationalism up and down to hit a trifecta of goals: Block competition from the People's Republic; make Western rivals fall in line and do joint ventures; and tap deep overseas capital markets. The first goal is being achieved with newly placed restrictions on investment from any country that shares a land border with India. The second aim is to be realized by corporate lobbying to influence India's whimsical economic policies. As for the third objective, with the regulatory environment becoming tougher for U.S.-listed Chinese companies like Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., an opportunity may open up for Indian firms.

All this may bring India Shenzhen-style enclaves of manufacturing and trade, but it will concentrate economic power in fewer hands, something that worries liberals. They’re moved by the suffering of India’s low-wage workers, who have borne the brunt of the COVID shutdown. But when their vision of a more just society and fairer income distribution prompts them to make common cause with the ideological Left, they’re quickly repelled by the Marxist voodoo that all cash, property, bonds and real estate held by citizens or within the nation “must be treated as national resources available during this crisis.” Who will invest in a country that does that instead of just printing money?

At the same time, when liberals look to the business class, they see a sudden swelling of support for ideas like a universal basic income. They wonder if this isn’t a ploy by industry to outsource part of the cost of labor to the taxpayer. Slogans like Modi’s vocal-for-local stir the pot and thicken the confusion. The value-conscious Indian consumer couldn’t give two hoots for calls to buy Indian, but large firms will know how to exploit economic nationalism. One day soon, I’ll get my mangoes — from them.