PM to meet Sharif, have summit with Obama in US

New Delhi, Jul 24: Telecom companies lost 82.3 lakh subscribers during the COVID-19 lockdown period of April, data released by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) on Friday showed.

As per the reports received from 342 operators in April, TRAI said the number of broadband subscribers decreased from 68.7 crore at the end of March to 67.6 crore at the end of April with a monthly decline rate of 1.64 per cent.

Top five service providers constituted 98.98 per cent market share of total broadband subscribers with Reliance Jio Infocomm (38.9 crore), Bharti Airtel (14.4 crore), Vodafone Idea (11.1 crore), BSNL (2.1 crore) and Atria Convergence (16 lakh).

The number of overall telephone subscribers decreased from 117.7 crore at the end of March to 116.9 crore at the end of April, showing a monthly decline rate of 0.72 per cent.

The TRAI said total wireless subscribers (2G, 3G and 4G) decreased from 115.7 crore at the end of March to 115 crore at the end of April, thereby registering a monthly decline rate of 0.71 per cent.

Wireless subscription in urban areas decreased from 63.8 crore to 62.9 crore but increased in rural areas from 51.9 crore to 52 crore. Monthly growth rates of urban and rural wireless subscription were minus 1.42 per cent and 0.16 per cent respectively.

Bhopal, Mar 15: Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Kamal Nath on Saturday sought the intervention of Home Minister Amit Shah for the "release" of 22 Congress MLAs in Karnataka, saying they had been held "captive" and were under "pressure".

In a letter to Shah, Chief Minister Nath said the BJP's demand for floor test had "no meaning" till the MLAs do not reach the state.

He said that the MLAs do not have any means of personal communication and all efforts to reach them have failed.

In the four-page letter, Nath said Governor Lalji Tandon had told him that the responsibility of security of those who will come to meet the Speaker should be with the CRPF but as the Chief Minister, it is his duty to ensure the security of all residents of the state including MLAs.

"I assure you that if these 22 MLAs are released by the Karnataka Police, then I will ensure maximum security by the state government so that they are able to convey their views without fear and take part in the proceedings of the assembly," Nath said.

He urged Shah to use his powers as Home Minister so that 22 MLAs safely reach Madhya Pradesh and discharge their responsibilities "without fear or greed" in the assembly session beginning on March 16."

Chief Minister Nath said that he had been informed that the MLAs had been deprived of all personal communication facilities.

He said that a father was not allowed to meet his son and two ministers who were accompanying the father of the legislator were "arrested" and manhandled by the Karnataka Police.

"My efforts to reach them as also of their relatives have failed which proves my apprehension that they are under captivity."

He said the videos released in the name of MLAs to "mislead" the people of the state were similar. "This proves that all these MLAs are under pressure and they are being forced to act in a particular way," he said.

Nath said that he was drawing Shah's attention to the developments in the state since March 3 which were aimed at destabalising the government.

He said three Congress MLAs, one BSP, and one independent MLA were taken to Gurugram and two ministers of his government were able to "rescue" the BSP legislator.

He said the three Congress MLAs and the independent MLA were later taken to Bengaluru by the BJP. He said a BJP MLA and a party functionary accompanied them.

"Later, 19 Congress MLAs were taken to Bengaluru in chartered planes and the arrangement was done by the BJP," he said, adding that they were accompanied by two former BJP MLAs and a former minister.

Kamal Nath said the number of MLAs in Bengaluru grew to 22 and they are all in the protection of the Karnataka Police.

He said some BJP leaders from Madhya Pradesh can be seen in pictures of the place where the MLAs were staying. "All reported expenses on these MLAs are being borne by the BJP," he said.

He said the BJP leaders had told the media about the resignation of MLAs and they had not presented themselves before the assembly Speaker.

Kamal Nath said he was concerned about the security of the MLAs and had written to the Governor earlier.

"You would agree with me that the demand for floor test has no meaning till the 22 MLAs are in captivity. This is unprecedented that the BJP is demanding floor test and several Congress MLAs have been kept outside the state,' he said.

Jan 13: For the first time in years, the government of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi is playing defense. Protests have sprung up across the country against an amendment to India’s laws — which came into effect on Friday — that makes it easier for members of some religions to become citizens of India. The government claims this is simply an attempt to protect religious minorities in the Muslim-majority countries that border India; but protesters see it as the first step toward a formal repudiation of India’s constitutionally guaranteed secularism — and one that must be resisted.

Modi was re-elected prime minister last year with an enhanced majority; his hold over the country’s politics is absolute. The formal opposition is weak, discredited and disorganized. Yet, somehow, the anti-Citizenship Act protests have taken hold. No political party is behind them; they are generally arranged by student unions, neighborhood associations and the like.

Yet this aspect of their character is precisely what will worry Modi and his right-hand man, Home Minister Amit Shah. They know how to mock and delegitimize opposition parties with ruthless efficiency. Yet creating a narrative that paints large, flag-waving crowds as traitors is not quite that easy.

For that is how these protests look: large groups of young people, many carrying witty signs and the national flag. They meet and read the preamble to India’s Constitution, into which the promise of secularism was written in the 1970’s.

They carry photographs of the Constitution’s drafter, the Columbia University-trained economist and lawyer B. R. Ambedkar. These are not the mobs the government wanted. They hoped for angry Muslims rampaging through the streets of India’s cities, whom they could point to and say: “See? We must protect you from them.” But, in spite of sometimes brutal repression, the protests have largely been nonviolent.

One, in Shaheen Bagh in a Muslim-dominated sector of New Delhi, began simply as a set of local women in a square, armed with hot tea and blankets against the chill Delhi winter. It has now become the focal point of a very different sort of resistance than what the government expected. Nothing could cure the delusions of India’s Hindu middle class, trained to see India’s Muslims as dangerous threats, as effectively as a group of otherwise clearly apolitical women sipping sweet tea and sharing their fears and food with anyone who will listen.

Modi was re-elected less than a year ago; what could have changed in India since then? Not much, I suspect, in most places that voted for him and his party — particularly the vast rural hinterland of northern India. But urban India was also possibly never quite as content as electoral results suggested. India’s growth dipped below 5% in recent quarters; demand has crashed, and uncertainty about the future is widespread. Worse, the government’s response to the protests was clearly ill-judged. University campuses were attacked, in one case by the police and later by masked men almost certainly connected to the ruling party.

Protesters were harassed and detained with little cause. The courts seemed uninterested. And, slowly, anger began to grow on social media — not just on Twitter, but also on Instagram, previously the preserve of pretty bowls of salad. Instagram is the one social medium over which Modi’s party does not have a stranglehold; and it is where these protests, with their photogenic signs and flags, have found a natural home. As a result, people across urban India who would never previously have gone to a demonstration or a political rally have been slowly politicized.

India is, in fact, becoming more like a normal democracy. “Normal,” that is, for the 2020’s. Liberal democracies across the world are politically divided, often between more liberal urban centers and coasts, and angrier, “left-behind” hinterlands. Modi’s political secret was that he was that rare populist who could unite both the hopeful cities and the resentful countryside. Yet this once magic formula seems to have become ineffective. Five of India’s six largest cities are not ruled by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party in any case — the financial hub of Mumbai changed hands recently. The BJP has set its sights on winning state elections in Delhi in a few weeks. Which way the capital’s voters will go is uncertain. But that itself is revealing — last year, Modi swept all seven parliamentary seats in Delhi.

In the end, the Citizenship Amendment Act is now law, the BJP might manage to win Delhi, and the protests might die down as the days get unmanageably hot and state repression increases. But urban India has put Modi on notice. His days of being India’s unifier are over: From now on, like all the other populists, he will have to keep one eye on the streets of his country’s cities.