Not only Mohammed Nalapad; BJP MP’s son also involved: Advocate

News Network
February 20, 2018

Bengaluru, Feb 20: With the issue of assault on youth by Congress MLA N A Haris’ son Mohammed Nalapad at Farzi Café in Bengaluru’s UB City taking a political turn, the names of several other VIPs who either involved in the brawl or became mute spectators have come to light.

According to reliable sources, the son of a former BJP Minister from north Karnataka, son of Bengaluru Central BJP MP P C Mohan, son of a State Cabinet Minister from Old Mysuru region; a city councillor, who is the son of another MLA from the city; children of two noted Kannada actors, of whom one even became a Minister were all present at the cafe when the incident happened on Saturday night.

Meanwhile, Mohammed Nalapad’s lawyer has alleged the complaint was “selectively registered” against a few people, including his client, while the sons of other bigwigs were let off. He claimed that P C Mohan also involved in the clash.

Mohan has admitted that his son was present in the café when the incident took place. However, he said that he wasn’t part of the assault.

“My son had no links to Nalapad or the boy who was attacked. Nalapad’s lawyer is trying to tarnish the reputation of many families by dragging the names of several people,” he said, while adding, there were several others at the cafe, but singling out his son was politically-motivated.

Chandragupta, DCP (Central), said they had seized the CCTV footage at Farzi Cafe that had showed the incident. “We are yet to go into the witnesses accounts to the incident. We will call them and record their statements in the case eventually,” he said.

Also Read: Cong MLA Haris’ son Mohammed Nalapad surrenders; case takes a political turn

Comments

Abdul
 - 
Tuesday, 20 Feb 2018

I dont know what these son of poiticians think themselves? Strict action has to taken against these bade baapon ke bigde huein aulaadonk. these guys shouldnt be spared. But what to do our system is so weak that even a murderers and rapist comes out of jail in week and later goes on to become politicians ministers etc

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News Network
April 8,2020

Udupi, Apr 8: Six patients were admitted to isolation wards in the hospitals in the district on Tuesday.

While four people were suffering from symptoms of COVID-19, two were suffering from SARI (Severe Acute Respiratory Infection).

As many as 19 samples were collected and sent for Covid-19 testing to a laboratory in Shivamogga.

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News Network
April 18,2020

Mangaluru, Apr 18: Three people, including a woman, who were being treated at the city's Wenlock Hospital have been discharged after they recovered from Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19).

With this, a total of 12 people who had tested positive for the virus until Thursday have been discharged from various hospitals in Dakshina Kannada.

A 39-year-old advocate from Uppinangady tested positive for Covid -19 on Friday, he has been admitted to the Wenlock Hospital and is being treated. With this, only one COVID-19 positive patient is being treated at Wenlock Hospital till Friday evening.

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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