NRI Aboobakar Siddiq hacked to death by saffron extremists near Uppala

coastaldigest.com web desk
August 6, 2018

Manjeshwar, Aug 6: A Communist Party of India (Marxist) activist was stabbed to death at Mangalpady near Uppala of Kasaragod district, last night by a gang of miscreants allegedly belonging to Sangh Parivar.

The deceased has been identified as Aboobakar Siddiq (21), a non-resident Indian, who had recently returned from Qatar on vacation. He was an activist of CPI(M) The victim is son of Azeem, a resident of Sonkalu near Uppala. 

Police said, Aboobakar Siddiq was attacked by a group of bike-born gang near his house at around 11 p.m. Siddiq was stabbed on his stomach and chest, injuring his internal organs.

The prime accused in the case has been identified as one Ashwant, a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The cops have registered a case against him and two others.

The incident took place on when the victim was returning home. Siddiq was immediately rushed to a nearby hospital. He suffered serious stab wounds and later succumbed to death in the hospital. While speaking to a leading news channel, CPI (M) MLA Samseer alleged that the RSS was behind the attack.

A strong contingent of police was deployed in the region in the wake of the killing, said police.

This is not the first such case of RSS-CPI (M) rivalry being witnessed with the parties accusing each other of the incidents. Not long before, a local CPI (M) leader was stabbed to death in New Mahe in Kunnur in June 2018. Over the years, the RSS-saffron rivalry has taken lives of more than 200 workers belonging to both camps.

Last November, V Anandan, a worker of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) who was out on bail for murdering a CPI (M) worker, was murdered in Nenmini.

Comments

FairMan
 - 
Tuesday, 7 Aug 2018

Retaliation more vickets; then only it becomes cool baby.......

abbu
 - 
Monday, 6 Aug 2018

ban rss...ban rss....now no debate... no shouting by anchors at news channels..

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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News Network
August 6,2020

Bengaluru, Aug 6: Firebrand BJP Bengaluru South MP Tejasvi Surya on Wednesday said that control of state power by Hindus is absolutely essential for sustenance of Dharma.

His comments, in a series of tweets, came on a day Prime Minister Narendra Modi performed the groundbreaking ceremony for the Lord Ram temple at Ayodhya.

"Dear Hindus, Most important lesson is that control of State power by Hindus is absolutely essential for sustenance of Dharma. When we didn't control State, we lost our temple. When we regained, we rebuilt. The 282 (seats) in 2014 and 303 (seats) in 2019 to Sri Narendra Modi made today possible!", Surya, who is also the party's BJP youth Wing state general secretary, tweeted.

He also said that the survival of India depends on the survival of Sanatana Dharma.

"The Sanatana Dharma, that is nationalism,' Sri Aurobindo had said in his Uttarapara speech. But what does it mean? Along with Jai Sri Ram, the purohits also chanted Bharat Mata Ki Jai - That is Dharmic nationalism. If Dharma survives, India survives," he said in another tweet.

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News Network
May 4,2020

Mangaluru, May 4: In order to protect the frontline coronavirus fighters from the pathogen, students at Sahyadri College of Engineering & Management has developed face shields that will help the front-line healthcare workers.

Mr Johnson Tellis - Chief Innovation Officer, Mr Gautham Nayak - Design Engineer and DreamWorks Makerspacerun by determined students, supported by Sahyadri Start-up ecosystem, at Sahyadri College of Engineering & Management has headed the team.

The team took the initiative along with other maker communities in Mumbai, Bangalore, Delhi and the likes, with a pledge to produce and deliver 1 Million face shields across India. In three weeks, the team has contributed to the cause and delivered more than3500 face shields and a ventilator splitter for the Dakshina Kannada and Shimoga region.

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