Rohingya catastrophe: Buddhists break all records of inhumanity

Hannah B
September 6, 2017

They stumble down muddy ravines and flooded creeks through miles of hills and jungle in Bangladesh, and thousands more come each day, in a line stretching to the monsoon-darkened horizon. Some are gaunt and spent, starving and carrying listless and dehydrated babies, with many miles to go before they reach any refugee camp.

They are tens of thousands of Rohingya, who arrive bearing accounts of massacre at the hands of the Myanmar’s barbaric security forces and allied mobs that started on August 25, after a handful of Rohingya rebels carried out a retaliation against government forces.

The inhuman operation that followed was carried out in methodical assaults on villages, with helicopters raining down fire on civilians and front-line troops cutting off families’ escape. The villagers’ accounts all portray indiscriminate attacks against fleeing non-combatants, adding to a death toll that even in early estimates is high into the hundreds, and is likely vastly worse.

“There are no more villages left, none at all,” said Rashed Ahmed, a 46-year-old farmer from a hamlet in Myanmar’s Maungdaw township. He had been walking for four days. “There are no more people left, either,” he said. “It is all gone.”

The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic minority who live in Myanmar’s far western Rakhine state. Most were stripped of their citizenship by the military junta that used to rule Myanmar, and they have suffered decades of repression under the country’s Buddhist majority, including killings and mass rape, according to the United Nations. A new armed resistance is giving the military more reasons to oppress them.

But the past week’s exodus of civilians caught in the middle, which the United Nations said had reached nearly 76,000 by the end of last week, dwarfs previous outflows of refugees to Bangladesh in such a short time period. Friday’s influx alone was the single largest movement of Rohingya here in more than a generation, according to the UN office in Dhaka.

The dying is not yet done. Some of the Rohingya militants have persuaded or coerced men and boys to stay behind and keep up the fight. And civilians who have stayed on the trail are running toward conditions so grim that they constitute a second humanitarian catastrophe.

They face another round of gunfire from Myanmar’s border guards, and miles of treacherous hill trails and flood-swollen streams and mud fields ahead before they reach crowded camps without enough food or medical help. Dozens were killed when their boats overturned, leaving the bodies of women and children washed up on river banks.

Tens of thousands more Rohingya are waiting for the Bangladeshi border force to allow them to enter. Still more are moving north from the Rohingya-dominated districts of Rakhine state. And the violence there continues. “It bre­aks all records of inhumanity,” said a member of the Border Guard Bangladesh named Anamul, stationed at the Kutupalong Rohingya refugee camp. “I have never seen anything like this.”

Here, in the forests of Rezu Amtali near the border with Myanmar, dozens of Rohingya told stories that were horrifying in their content and consistency. After militants from the Arakan Ro-hingya Salvation Army attacked police posts and an army base on August 25, killing more than a dozen, the Myanmar military began torching entire villages with helicopters and petrol bombs, aided by Buddhist vigilantes from the ethnic Rakhine group, those fleeing the violence said.

Person after person along the trail into Bangladesh told of how the security forces cordoned off Rohingya villages as the fire rained down, and then shot and stabbed civilians. Children were not exempt.

Mizanur Rahman recalled how on August 25, he had been working in a rice paddy in his village, known in Rohingya as Ton Bazar, in Myanmar’s Buthidaung Township, when helicopters roared into the sky above him.

“Immediately, I had fear in my heart,” he said. His wife came running out of their house with their infant son, less than a month old. They escaped to a nearby forest and watched as the choppers’ weapons engulfed the village in flames. Myanmar security forces descended, and the sound of gunfire reached the forest.

Rahman’s extended family fled the next day, but not before seeing his brother’s body lying on the ground, along with seven others. Three days later, as they climbed a hill near the border with Bangladesh, Rahman’s mother was shot dead by a Myanmar border guard.

His wife’s postpartum bleeding has increased so much that she can no longer walk or produce milk for their infant son. The baby, cradled in Rahman’s arms, looked skeletal, parched skin pinched at his joints. Other refugees took turns gently touching the baby’s feet to check if he was still alive.

The Myanmar military said on Friday that nearly 400 people had been killed in the violence that has swept across northern Rakhine since August 25. Of that death toll, 370 people were identified as Rohingya fighters. Fourteen civilians, including four ethnic Rakhine and seven Hindus, were also reported killed. Myanmar officials, however, have given no specific accounting of civilian Rohingya deaths.

Suu Kyi govt's shocking stance

The Myanmar government claims Rohingya “militants” have torched their own homes in a bid for international sympathy. And the military maintains its current operations in Rakhine are designed at rooting out “extremist terrorists.”

There are, clearly, combatants on the Rohingya side. State media have reported that more than 50 clashes have broken out between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and Myanmar security forces over the past week. That has further complicated life for civilians trying to flee.

Fortify Rights, a human-rights group based in Bangkok, interviewed villagers remaining in Maungdaw township who said ARSA was forcing men and boys to stay and fight. The refugees flowing into Bangladesh have been predominantly women and children, leading to speculation as to where the men are.

What the survivors are fleeing into is no haven. Bangladesh is itself poor, overcrowded and waterlogged, and has been reluctant to take on more displaced Rohingya.

An urgent humanitarian disaster is brewing here in a country hard-pressed to feed itself, much less a new influx of refugees that one Bangladeshi official estimated could soon surpass 100,000 people.

For now, the Border Guard Bangladesh is mostly turning a blind eye and allowing the Rohingya to stream across the border.

An international response to the crisis has started. On Wednesday, Britain arranged for a closed-door meeting of the UN Security Council to discuss the Rohingya emergency. The civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi has faced mounting global criticism for refusing to acknowledge the magnitude of the military offensive on civilian Rohingya populations.

On Tuesday, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, rejected allegations from Suu Kyi’s administration that international aid organisations were somehow complicit in aiding Rohingya militants.

The UN set up a special commission this year to investigate another military onslaught that caused 85,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh over the course of a few weeks, following an ARSA attack on police posts in October. But Suu Kyi’s government has barred the UN team from entering Myanmar.

In an open letter to Suu Kyi, nearly a dozen of her fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureates labelled October’s military offensive “a human tragedy amounting to ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.”

“Some international experts have warned of the potential for genocide,” said the letter, signed by Desmond Tutu and Malala Yousufzai, among others. “It has all the hallmarks of recent past tragedies: Rwanda, Darfur, Bosnia, Kosovo.”

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Ram Puniyani
January 22,2020

Shivaji is a great icon in Maharashtra. Different sections of society have given him very high status, though for diverse reasons. Folklores about him abound in the state. His statues, popular songs on him are very prevalent. These folk songs (Powadas) praise his multifarious actions. So it was no surprise that when Jayabhagwan Goyal, released his book, ‘Aaj ka Shivaji: Narendra Modi’, at religious-cultural meet organized by Delhi BJP, there was a strong resentment in Maharashtra. Various leaders from Maharashtra were furious. The Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut challenged the Shivaji’s descendent, Sambhaji Raje who is in BJP and is member of Rajya Sabha, to resign on the issue. Sambhaji Raje in turn stated that "We respect Narendra Modi, who was elected as the prime minister of the country for the second time. But neither (Narendra) Modi nor anybody else in the world can be compared with Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj,"

Not to be left behind Jitendra Awhad of NCP felt Modi-BJP are insulting the pride of Maharashtra. It is not the first time that controversy is erupting around the Maharashtra warrior of medieval period. Earlier we had seen Sambhaji Brigrade demanding the ban on James Laine book, Shivaji: ‘A Hindu King in an Islamic Kingdom’, for its objectionable content. Bhandarkar Institute in Pune, which had helped James Laine in his research, was also vandalized. At another level there was a talk that Babasaheb Purandare, a Brahmin, who has written some popular material on Shivaji will be made as the Chairman of the committee for statue of Shivaji. Maratha Mahasangh and Shiv Dharm officials objected to a Brahmin heading the committee for a statue for the Maratha warrior. The caste angel in Shivaji’s case is coming to the fore from quite some time.

While there is no dearth of controversies around Shivaji, it is also true that each political tendency has created Shivaji’s image from their political point of view. Who was the real Shivaji, is the question. One can see two clear streams of projection in this matter. On one hand there is an attempt to present Shivaji as the anti Muslim King, a king who was respecting Cows and Brahmins (Go Brahman pratipalak). This view was brought forward from the times of Lokmanya Tilak and picked up by Hindu nationalists, who have been looking for icons in history to suit their political agenda. Nathram Godse, while criticizing Gandhi says that Gandhi’s nationalism was dwarf in front of the one of Shivaji or Rana Pratap.

In tune with this the Hindu nationalists are promoting both these as icons of Hindu nationalism and giving anti-Muslim slant to the whole discourse. This discourse also hides in this the Brahmanical agenda of Hindu nationalism as Cows and Brahmins are presented as the central object of veneration by Shivaji. This image of Shivaji fits well into the current agenda of Hindu nationalists, being spearheaded by RSS Combine.

It is because of this that for seeking votes in Mumbai Narendra Modi on the eve of 2014 elections stated that Shivaji attacked Surat to plunder the treasury of Aurangzeb. This also presents Shivaji-Aurangzeb, Shivaji-Afzal Khan interactions as battle between Hindus and Muslims. The truth is that Surat was plundered for its wealth as it was a rich port city and Bal Samant’s book on the topic gives in depth description of the same. It is noteworthy that Shivaji began his real career of conquest in 1656 when he conquered Javli from the Maratha Chief Chandra Rao More. He took over the treasures of this kingdom. That it was not a Hindu Muslim battle becomes clear when we know that in confrontation with Aurangzeb it was Mirza Raja Jaisingh who was negotiating and engaging with Shivaji on behalf of Aurangzeb. And Shivaji had Muslim officers like Kazi Haider as confidential secretary and many Muslim Generals in his army.

Darya Sarang was chief of armor division, Daulat Khan was in-charge of his naval division; Ibrahim Khan was another general of significance in his army.  This mixed up administration just shows that the kings were not having Hindu or Muslim administration depending on their religion. In the confrontation between Shivaji and Afzal Khan, Rustam-e-Jaman was Shivaji’s side and Afzal Khan had Krisnaji Bhaskar Kulkarni on his side.

As far as Shivaji’s popularity is concerned it was due to his being a King with welfare of his subjects in his mind. He lightened the burden of taxation on the average peasants, and reduced the domination of landlords over the serfs. This picture of Shivaji is well documents in the booklets by Com. Govind Pansare (Who was Shivaji) and Jayant Gadkari (Shivaji: Ek Lok Kalyankari Raja- Shivaji: King doing People’s Welfare). He did not belong to the warrior caste so Brahmins had refused to coronate him, for which purpose Gaga Bhatt a Brahmin from Kashi was brought in with heavy fees. Teesta Setalvad’s hand book on History for teachers underlined this fact.

Today while BJP-Brahmanical forces want to present Shivaji as worshipper of Brahmins and cows, the non upper caste have seen through the game. As such it was Jotirao Phule who brought forward the caste angel of Shivaji as he wrote Powada (Poem) in his honor and today dalit Bahujan are not toeing Hindu Nationalist projection on the issue.

The likes of Jayabhagwan Goyal of BJP as such are trying to give two messages through such attempts. One hand they want to paint Shivaji in anti Muslim and Brahmanical color, they also want to give the subtle message of similarity of this presentation of Shivaji with what Modi is doing. Non BJP forces have seen this game and want to present the other picture of Shivaji, which was highlighted by the likes of Jotirao Phule and which today many of those standing for rights of dalit-Bahujan are trying to articulate. The criticism of the said, book, since withdrawn is on these twin aspects. One about the picture of Shivaji who was concerned about welfare of the farmers, and two his respect for people of all religions.

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Ram Puniyani
April 7,2020

The carnage or to put it more precisely the anti Muslim violence in Delhi (February-March 2020) has shaken us all. Analysts are burning midnight oil yet again to understand the deeper causative factors of the same. 

One of the neglected aspects of analysis of communal violence has been the one related to prevalent factor of Caste in Indian society. Caste is inherent in the scriptures called as Hindu scriptures; caste has been the rigid frame work of Hindu society, which has also penetrated into other religious communities in India.

The deeper connection between Hindu nationalism or Hindutva and caste has been explored somewhat but not too many studies have taken up the relationship between the communal violence and caste in India.

Suraj Yengde (IE, Delhi Pogrom is an attempt to Divert attention from Government’s Failures, March 8, 2020) makes some points on this issue. Yengde points out, “Many are still downplaying the Delhi riot as an affliction of Hindutva or Hindu-Muslim binaries. It is neither. It is not religious but caste tensions that encourage such treacherous acts.”    

He quotes from the Gujarat activist Raju Solanki, “in the 2002 Godhra riots there were 2,945 arrests in Ahmadabad. Of these, 1,577 were Hindus and 1,368 Muslims. Among the Hindus arrested, 797 were OBCs, 747 Dalits, 19 Patels, two Baniyas, and two Brahmins. The upper castes became MLAs, the rest were jailed. Also, it is not an accident that Dalits constitute nearly 22% of the total arrests in India; Adivasis 11%, Muslims 20% and OBCs 31%. More than 55% of under trials also come from the same communities (NCRB 2015).”

While this data is on the dot it must be stated that while caste has lot of role in the emergence of politics of Hindutva, in the resultant violence the primary focus has been religion, here caste plays a role which is secondary in some ways.

To trace the outline of the Hindu nationalism’s prime mover RSS; one can definitely say that its formation and rise is primarily due to the rising caste consciousness and the beginnings of struggles aimed at injustices due to the caste Varna System. While Hindu Mahasabha was already on the scene as parallel and opposite to the Muslim League, these formations initially had only Kings and landlords. Later these formations were joined in by some elite, affluent sections of society.

RSS in particular was a response to the ground level changes resulting in coming up of low caste/average people in social and political space. It was the non-cooperation movement led by Gandhi and then the non Brahman movement in Nagpur-Vidarbha area which disturbed the Brahmanical sections, supported by landlord-kings, to take up the agenda of Hindu nation. The core articulation of Hindutva politics was to present the glorious ancient times, when Manu Smriti’s laws ruled the roost. These were getting a jolt now as the efforts of Joti Rao Phule and later the campaigns of Ambedkar started empowering the downtrodden dalits. This was a serious threat to Brahmanical system.

While this was the core an external threat was to be created to ‘unify’ Hindu society. And here the Muslims, Muslim Kings rule came in as handy. It is this anti Muslim tirade and actions which was the frontage for Hindutva, while the anti dalit-agenda was the real underlying motive. The whole of Shakha (RSS branches) baudhiks (intellectual sessions) were structured around this. The promotion of communal historiography, the hatred for Muslims was the visible part of RSS training, while glorification of past is the fulcrum which in a way is the code language for retaining the hierarchy of caste and also of gender.

Practically also if we see the strengthening of Hindutva began on the issue of a Muslim king destroying the temple of the birth place of Lord Ram, this campaign got its vitriol after the implementation of Mandal Commission in 1990. The anti Muslim Hate and promotion of values of caste and gender hierarchy are synthesized by Hindutva politics. That’s as far as the political agenda of Hindu nationalism goes. As far as communal violence is concerned, it has been an anti Muslim work through and through. All the statistics shows that victims of communal violence are primarily Muslims, around 80% of victims being Muslims. These Muslims do come from all sections of Muslims, more from the poor.

The caste comes into operation in the mechanism of riot production. Hindutva politics, through its extensive network has been working relentlessly among dalits. The recent book by Bhanwar Meghwanshi, “I was a Kar Sevak”, brilliantly describes the mechanism of co-opting dalits into the agenda of sectarian politics. RSS has floated innumerable organizations, like Samajik Samrasta Manch, which work among dalits to promote Brahmanical values and to integrate dalits into the scheme of Hindutva politics. They are made to act as foot soldiers of Hindu nationalist politics. Those who spread hate through indoctrination and propaganda are safe in their cozy houses or offices while the poor dalits are made to soil their hands with the blood of religious minorities.

The face of Gujarat violence, Ashok Mochi, now talks of dalit-Muslim unity. The data compiled by Raju Solanki and quoted by Yengde is the norm in the cases of violence in India. Those who are incited, those who are later charged with violence are not the ones who give donations to RSS or support its various activities. Most of these do come from the sections of indoctrinated youth from downtrodden communities.

Yengde has done a valuable job in drawing our attention to the role of caste in communal violence; the problem with his thesis is the undermining the role of ‘Hate against religious minorities’, which is the base on which the violence is orchestrated. The extent and degree of indoctrination done through shakhas is very powerful and effective. This can gauzed from the experiences of the likes of Bhanwar Meghwanshi, who tells us the difficulties he had to face to come to grips of reality of caste while overcoming the RSS propaganda.

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Muhammad Abdullah Javed
May 20,2020

One of the distinguish features of the Noble Quran is that it presents different sorts of classifications. It is quite evident as one of the names of the Quran is Furqan that is it differentiates between things through its unique style of classification. The Quran openly proclaims the difference between right and wrong, truth and falsehood, literate and illiterate, light and darkness and so on. The system of Quranic taxonomy has a pivotal element with regard to ranking of human beings. It classifies them into two groups, one, who is honorable in the sight of their Creator and the second, disliked by Him.

This Quranic approach of classification is quite genuine, void of all sorts of bias. Since humans have no say in their birth, color or region, therefore the Quran doesn’t recognize these parameters to classify two groups of people.

The crux of Quranic taxonomy rests with the human ability which has been equally distributed among all humans. In terms of abilities to perform, barring those tasks performed with exceptional talents, all humans are equal. This is where Quran draws a line and specify who is most honorable in the sight of their Creator, it says:

 O mankind, We created you from one man and one woman, and then divided you into nations and tribes so that you may recognize one another. Indeed, the most honorable among you in the sight of Allah is he who is the most pious of you. Surely, Allah is All-knowing, All-Wise. (Chapter 49, Verse 13).

Criterion of judgement

To be most righteous in the sight of God, one has to be of pious nature. The Quran uses term Taqwa (a sense of distinguishing between right and wrong, piety) to exemplify the pious nature. It further specifies that the source of pious nature - Taqwa is an inherent quality of human beings. Along with the faculties of hearing, seeing and speaking they have been bestowed with (Taqwa) the criterion of distinguishing between virtues and vices, it has been mentioned in the Quran as:

And by the human self and by Him Who balanced it, then inspired it with its wickedness and piety (Chapter 91, Verses 7 & 8).

Good deeds and human nature

With the advent of human race on earth, the equation has been set in simple terms. Humans have to be obedient to their Creator by means of using their intellect, smart enough to use their ability to judge between right and wrong and spend their lives in performing good deeds. For this very reason God has created life and death:

Who created death and life that He may try you to see which of you is best in deeds, and He is All-Mighty as well as All-Forgiving (Chapter 67, Verse 2)

Since life is all about performing good deeds, the ability to perform any good action has been made as natural as recognizing any color with naked eyes. It is within the reach of a person to identify the difference between colors, so is his criterion of judgement that tells what to perform and what to refrain from?

Good actions have been synchronized with human nature whereas evil deeds are quite detrimental, that’s why there is a universal consensus over the conception of virtues and vices. No one can dare to differ with virtues like truth, justice and honesty etc, and no one appreciates vices like falsehood, violations and corruption. With this inherent ability of humans to identify good and bad, the concept of virtues and vices has been described with the same bent of human intellect, there is no philosophical and ideological kind of description to tell what truth and falsehood are, it is as simple as this:

Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said: Give up what is doubtful to you for that which is not doubtful; for truth is peace of mind and falsehood is doubt (Tirmidhi)

Highway of actions

The Quran presents a highway of actions for everyone who believes in it and intend to be most honorable in the sight of the Creator. For each and every day, there is a definite plan of action to go ahead with it to please the Creator. Again, for every week and month, there are clear specifications with regard to individual and collective actions. So no place for claims and reservations, no place for any excuse either, things have been made clear. For a person to be honored, he has to be man of deeds, that’s it. Every person has fair chances of performing better, as the life has been given, criterion of judgement between right and wrong has been given, and plan of action has been provided with. Now one has to energize himself for everyday action and try to set right the intention.

Difference in human efficiencies

No doubt there are differences in human abilities and efficiencies, one may argue about the quality and magnitude of actions. Those who are of high efficiency may perform well and those who are inefficient may not? True, to convince what Quran emphasizes is, God doesn’t look at the magnitude of an action, rather He sees with what intention in what circumstances it has been performed? If any person keep fast in scorching heat for more than 16 hours a day will get high rewards compare to the one who fast less than 10 hours a day at a cold place. Again, if the intention is to please the God, than every action, no matter how small or big it is in its scale, will fetch rich dividends. A poor’s donation of few rupees will be equal in rewards as compare to what a millionaire gets by donating thousands of rupees from his enormous wealth. The act of charity has demanded sacrifice; both of them have sacrificed in accordance with their capacities. Therefore upon asking whose charity is noble in the sight of God, the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) said: The charity of poor person who tries hard to get few rupees from his hard earn money to donate in the way of God (NasaiBook of Hadith).

The Quranic taxonomy of human is quite justifiable as every human bear testimony to its genuine and unbiased classification through what we term as actions. Therefore the world has to witness a race between men and women to see who can compete with others in order to please their Creator?

Whosoever acts righteously – whether a man or a woman and embraces belief, We will surely grant him a good life; and will surely grant such persons their reward according to the best of their deeds. (Chapter 16, Verse 97)

God-oriented actions, privilege for the Humanity

It’s very unpleasant to notice that in today’s world the parameters like statuses, resources and wealth have been regarded as privilege and honor for both humans and their societies. No doubt they are, but not at the cost of losing the very essence of human nature and sacrificing its interest. Today’s advancements speak of this dark phase where the height of inventions and discoveries touching the skies while the dignity and honor of humans have gone to the lowest of the low. The ever increasing poverty, hunger, untimely deaths, different forms of corruption in the land, violation of human rights are just to remind a few. The presence of rich and poor, highs and lows in the society speaks of disparity of actions, lack of selfless service and hearts void of God’s love and fear.

The beauty of humanity is to remain in the service of God and always stand on the toes to help those who are in need. This God-oriented action enables every doer to be dear to his God as the classification of good and the bad is purely based on the actions performed for the sake of the Creator:

Everyone is assigned a rank according to his deed. Your Lord is not heedless of what they do (Chapter 6, Verse 132).

 

Muhammad Abdullah Javed is the Director of AJ Academy for Research & Development. He can be reached at [email protected]

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