RSS mulls strengthening its presence in UAE, other Gulf countries

Bhopal, Mar 10: Senior Congress leader Digvijay Singh on Tuesday parried questions on the exact number of MLAs supporting the party in Madhya Pradesh amid a political crisis triggered by the resignation of Jyotiraditya Scindia and 14 MLAs loyal to him.

Repeating his allegation that the BJP was trying to destabilise the Congress-led government, Singh told reporters that the BJP had arranged three chartered planes for Bengaluru on Monday to fly out some MLAs loyal to Scindia.

"We want to know why Bengaluru is used every time to destabilise governments?" he questioned.

When asked about the number of MLAs supporting the Congress in the current political scenario, Singh only said, "Just wait".

He said an atmosphere of uneasiness has been prevailing in the BJP since the Kamal Nath government started cracking a whip on various mafias.

"We (the state government) are exposing Vyapam scam, e-tendering scam, Madhyam scam. In the honey-trap case, BJP men were found to be involved. This will be exposed," he said.

The political crisis in Madhya Pradesh precipitated with the resignation of Jyotiraditya Scindia over his apparent marginalisation in the state politics. Following Scindia's suit, 14 legislators loyal to him have sent their resignation letters via e-mail to Madhya Pradesh Raj Bhavan.

Scindia was subsequently expelled from the Congress by party president Sonia Gandhi.

Speculation that the Guna royal might join the BJP gained ground after he met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Delhi this morning.

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

Bengaluru, Apr 8: A 65-year-old man from Kalaburagi district became the fifth COVID-19 fatality in Karnataka, where six new positive cases were confirmed, pushing the tally in the state to 181, the health department said on Wednesday.

The man with Severe Acute Respiratory Infection (SARI), died at a designated hospital in Kalaburagi on Tuesday, a day after being shifted from a private hospital where he was initially treated for two days.

"On April 4, he had got admitted to a private hospital, on April 6 he was shifted to ESI hospital, where he passed away," Primary and Secondary Education Minister Suresh Kumar told reporters here.

The private hospital had been locked and its entire medical team quarantined, he said, adding a notice had been served on it for act of "criminal negligence" (by not referring the patient to designated hospital) and will be followed with a police case.

"He was suffering from SARI, on collecting his sample, tests have revealed that he was positive....investigation is on to find how he got infected," the Minister said.

Noting that the hospital in this case did not refer the patient to the designated hospital and kept treating him for two days, he appealed to all private healthcare facilities to inform authorities if anyone showed any indications for COVID-19.

"As of 5 PM on April 8, cumulatively 181 COVID-19 positive cases have been confirmed in the state, it includes 5 deaths and 28 discharges," the health department said in a bulletin.

Out of the positive cases, 71 are those who had come back from foreign countries, while remaining 110 are contacts and those who had gone to Delhi, the Minister said.

Kumar also said an expert committee comprising Narayana Health founder-chairman Dr Devi Prasad Shetty and Jayadeva Institute of Cardiovascular Sciences director Dr C N Manjunath among others, constitutedto devise an exit strategy for the lockdown, has submitted its reports with various recommendations to Chief Minister B S Yediyurappa.

The chief minister and officials were examining it which was likely to come up before the cabinet meeting on Thursday after which the details will be shared, he added.

The health department said the six fresh cases reported on Wednesday included the elderly man from Kalaburagi who died.

Among the positive cases are a woman from Uttara Kannada with history of SARI and contact of a Dubai returnee, a 72- year-old woman from Kalaburagi, who is mother of a patient that tested positive for the disease; a man from Mandya with contact to two patients.

Others include a man from Chikkaballapura with travel history to Delhi and a woman from Bengaluru also with a travel history to the national capital.

Contact tracing is in progress for all the cases, the bulletin added.

The department said out of 148 active cases in the state, 146 COVID-19 positive patients (including 1 pregnant woman) are in isolation at designated hospitals are stable and two in ICU (one each on oxygen and ventilators).

It said out of total 181 cases in the state, six are transit passengers of Kerala.

Bengaluru accounted for the highest in the state with 63 cases, followed by Mysuru (35), Dakshina Kannada (12) Bidar (ten), Uttara Kannada and Kalaburagi (9 each), Chikkaballapur (8) Belagavi (7), Ballari (6), Bagalkote (5), Mandya (4) Davangere, Bengaluru Rural and Udupi (three each), and Kodagu, Tumakuru, Gadag and Dharwad one each.

Those discharged include 16 from Bengaluru, four from Dakshina Kannada, two each from Uttara Kannada, Kalaburagi and Davangere, and one from Bengaluru Rural; while among those dead are two from Kalaburgari and one each are reported from Bengaluru, Bagalkote and Tumakuru.