Saffron activists attack minority youths for distributing sweets on I-Day 

Mar 3: Just hours after the ending of a week-long “reduction” in violence that was crucial for Donald Trump’s peace deal in Afghanistan, the Taliban struck again: On Monday, they killed three people and injured about a dozen at a football match in Khost province. This resumption of violence will not surprise anyone actually invested in peace for that troubled country. The point of the U.S.-Taliban deal was never peace. It was to try and cover up an ignominious exit for the U.S., driven by an election-bound president who feels no responsibility toward that country or to the broader region.

Seen from South Asia, every point we know about in the agreement is a concession by Trump to the Taliban. Most importantly, it completes a long-term effort by the U.S. to delegitimize the elected government in Kabul — and, by extension, Afghanistan’s constitution. Afghanistan’s president is already balking at releasing 5,000 Taliban prisoners before intra-Afghan talks can begin — a provision that his government did not approve.

One particularly cringe-worthy aspect: The agreement refers to the Taliban throughout  as “the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan that is not recognized by the United States as a state and is known as the Taliban.” This unwieldy nomenclature validates the Taliban’s claim to be a government equivalent to the one in Kabul, just not the one recognised at the moment by the U.S. When read together with the second part of the agreement, which binds the U.S. to not “intervene in [Afghanistan’s] domestic affairs,” the point is obvious: The Taliban is not interested in peace, but in ensuring that support for its rivals is forbidden, and its path to Kabul is cleared.

All that the U.S. has effectively gotten in return is the Taliban’s assurance that it will not allow the soil of Afghanistan to be used against the “U.S. and its allies.” True, the U.S. under Trump has shown a disturbing willingness to trust solemn assurances from autocrats; but its apparent belief in promises made by a murderous theocratic movement is even more ridiculous. Especially as the Taliban made much the same promise to an Assistant Secretary of State about Osama bin Laden while he was in the country plotting 9/11.

Nobody in the region is pleased with this agreement except for the Taliban and their backers in the Pakistani military. India has consistently held that the legitimate government in Kabul must be the basic anchor of any peace plan. Ordinary Afghans, unsurprisingly, long for peace — but they are, by all accounts, deeply skeptical about how this deal will get them there. The brave activists of the Afghan Women’s Network are worried that intra-Afghan talks will take place without adequate representation of the country’s women — who have, after all, the most to lose from a return to Taliban rule.

But the Pakistani military establishment is not hiding its glee. One retired general tweeted: “Big victory for Afghan Taliban as historic accord signed… Forced Americans to negotiate an accord from the position of parity. Setback for India.” Pakistan’s army, the Taliban’s biggest backer, longs to re-install a friendly Islamist regime in Kabul — and it has correctly estimated that, after being abandoned by Trump, the Afghan government will have sharply reduced bargaining power in any intra-Afghan peace talks. A deal with the Taliban that fails also to include its backers in the Pakistani military is meaningless.

India, meanwhile, will not see this deal as a positive for regional peace or its relationship with the U.S. It comes barely a week after Trump’s India visit, which made it painfully clear that shared strategic concerns are the only thing keeping the countries together. New Delhi remembers that India is not, on paper, a U.S. “ally.” In that respect, an intensification of terrorism targeting India, as happened the last time the U.S. withdrew from the region, would not even be a violation of Trump’s agreement. One possible outcome: Over time the government in New Delhi, which has resolutely sought to keep its ties with Kabul primarily political, may have to step up security cooperation. Nobody knows where that would lead.

The irresponsible concessions made by the U.S. in this agreement will likely disrupt South Asia for years to come, and endanger its own relationship with India going forward. But worst of all, this deal abandons those in Afghanistan who, under the shadow of war, tried to develop, for the first time, institutions that work for all Afghans. No amount of sanctimony about “ending America’s longest war” should obscure the danger and immorality of this sort of exit.

Mangaluru, May 27: The Dakshina Kannada PU College Principals' Association on Wednesday appealed to the authorities to postpone the evaluation of PUC II answer scripts, as the Novel Coronavirus was still active and there was all possibility of the infection spreading.

Speaking to reporters here, Association President Umesh Karkera said, ''It is our duty to evaluate the answer scripts. But amid the fear of COVID-19 and lockdown, evaluators are not able to reach the valuation Centre to take up the work.

''The department of pre-university education has asked the Deputy Chief Examiners and the Assistant Examiners to reach the venue on May 27 and 29, respectively, to take up the evaluation work.

Bengaluru, Feb 12: Hinting at the possibility of a consolidation of ex-Janata Parivar leaders, JD(S) supremo HD Deve Gowda said Tuesday his party was open to talk to any former Janata leaders, who are at present either in various factions of the Janata Dal or in Congress and BJP. The veteran leader also appreciated Arvind Kejriwal-led AAP's way of work.

At the party's National Executive Committee meeting held here, Gowda said that some ex-Janata Parivar leaders had reached out to him in this regard. His comments come at a time when JD(U) leader Mahima Patel recently rekindled the debate of a unified Janata Parivar.

However, Deve Gowda was clear that he was not interested in pursuing anyone who was happy with the party they were in. "It's a waste of time to pursue someone who has seen success within their party. I am not going to do that. I am willing to persuade only those who are not holding any office at present," he said. He added that he had already asked party leaders in Kerala to take the initiative and figure out ways to bring leaders together. As for other places, it would take him some time to reach out people, he added.

The party, which organised the National Executive Meet here on February 10 and 11, spoke of strategies to rejuvenate the party from the grassroots level. The party is also conducting a membership drive.

'Much to learn from AAP'

There is much to learn from Aam Aadmi Party, which registered a victory in Delhi elections on Tuesday, said Devegowda. "Kejriwal has showed that caste does not matter. There is lesson to be learnt from the work done by AAP," he said. Later in the day, Deve Gowda also wrote a letter to Arvind Kejriwal, congratulating him on his victory.

On the occasion, the party also came up with resolutions to urge the central government to release pending amount of GST it owed to state governments apart from focusing on development of labour, industries and agriculture; to demand the centre to rollback decision on CAA, NRC and NPR and to urge the centre to pass the women's reservation bill.

At the JD(S) National Executive Meet, even as news poured in about the victory of Aam Aadmi Party in Delhi elections, the JD(S) leaders celebrated Arvind Kejriwal's victory. Seeing it as an optimistic sign for regional parties across the country, the leaders distributed sweets to mark the hat trick win of Kejriwal.