Can Udupi's Santhosh be Karnataka's Yogi?

CD Network | Shaastra Bhat Urimajalu
May 1, 2017

A majority of people in Karnataka weren't even aware of the existence of apower centre' called B L Santhosh until the former chief minister B S Yeddyurappa recently broke his long silence and unhesitatingly held the former responsible for the dissidence currently plaguing the state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party.shaastr abhat urimajalu However, among the BJP circles this RSS stalwart has been regarded as akingmaker' andpowerbroker' for years.

BL Santhosh RSS

Hailing from a small town in the coastal district of Udupi, Santhosh is not as outspoken as Dr Prabhakar Bhat of Kalladka, who is dubbed as the unofficial “supreme commander of Dakshina Kannada”. Those who know Santhosh closely say that his brain works quicker than his tongue. Though he stays aloof fromself-promotion' andvisible political activities', BJP heavyweights at the Centre never took his “marg darshan” lightly in recent years. Besides, he enjoys the backing of union minister Ananth Kumar and opposition leader in the state legislative council K S Eshwarappa, the most powerfulupper caste' andlower caste' leaders of the BJP in this south Indian state respectively.

Openly accused by Yeddyurappa of using Eshwarappa as a pawn to engineer rebellion against the former, Sonthosh did not lose his cool in the public. “I won't make any comment on the current situation of BJP in Karnataka. Those who are supposed to take action will intervene,” was his immediate response. According to political pundits Sonthosh has exhibited both thediscipline' of RSS andpolitical maturity' in his answer. What happened next? BJP chief Amit Shah equally penalized both Yeddyurappa and Eshwarappa factions by sacking two office-bearers from each faction after a discussion with the party's Karnataka in-charge Muralidhar Rao. If sources are to be believed, Santhosh too wanted the same — a temporary solution.

Is Santhosh an ambitious like Yogi Adityanath of Uttar Pradesh? While some observe that Santhosh has nursed CM ambitions himself and adopted “wait and watch” formula, others see him as a selfless saffronist, who is striving to strengthen the future of BJP by keeping “selfish leaders” away from the key posts. Supporters of Yeddyurappa have also alleged that Santhosh is trying to replace the Lingayat strongman as the state BJP chief and the party's chief ministerial candidate.

In fact Santhosh personally knows Yeddyurappa since 2005 when the former began working in Shivamoga as an RSS nominee and the BJP Organising Secretary during Lok Sabha by election. He first locked horns with Yeddyurappa when the latter became the south India's first BJP chief minister. One of the main reasons for this development, according to a few BJP leaders, is that Yeddyurappa chose his caste over the party, and thereby weakened the latter. Besides, Yeddyurappa gave priority to his female confidante over the RSS veterans, and thereby damaged the morale of the latter. Massive corruption allegations against Yedduyrappa was a golden opportunity for the RSS to force him step down as the chief minister in July 2011 three years after he assumed the power. When the party high command refused to reinstate him as chief minister after a year, Yeddyurappa had briefly quit the party and floated Karnataka Janata Party, with the sole intention of teaching a lesson to the BJP and RSS. This has remained as a permanent blot on Yeddyurappa's image in BJP.

Nevertheless, a fresh outburst of dissidence in Karnataka BJP cannot be ruled out as both the warring factions enjoy the support of their respective communities. 74-year-old Yeddyurappa has remained the undisputed leader of Lingayat community, which has been playing a decisive role in Karnataka politics for past six decades, while Eshwarappa is the BJP's powerful pawn to bag the votes of Kuruba community, which has a population of around 45 lakhs in the state. In future, the party high command may opt for a major surgery to end the infighting in its Karnataka unit. In such a situation, Amit Shah many not hesitate to spring a surprise and roil all caste calculations by asking a man with brains (read Brahmin) to formally lead the party's state unit.

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coastaldigest.com news network
August 8,2020

Mangaluru, Aug 8: As visuals of the Air India Express flight crash at Kozhikode international airport emerge, one cannot help but be reminded of an eerily similar and unfortunate accident that occurred a decade ago. The August 7, 2020 tragedy brought back memories of the 2010 crash.

It was on May 22, 2010 that an Air India Express Boeing 737-800 flight from Dubai to Mangaluru over shot the runway while landing at Bajpe airport and fell into a cliff. Of the 160 passengers and 6 crew members on board, 158 were killed (all crew members and 152 passengers) and only 8 survived.

Even back then, the plane had split into two. The crash has been termed as one of India's worst aviation disasters.

The final conversations between Air traffic control (ATC) and the pilot prior to the landing showed no indication of any distress.

Like the Mangaluru accident, Karipur crash too happened when the flight was attempting to land.

The captain of the aircraft which crashed at Mangaluru, Z Glucia, was an experienced pilot with 10,000 hours of flying experience and had 19 landings at the Mangalore airport. Co-pilot S S Ahluwalia, with 3,000 hours of flying experience had as many as 66 landings at this airport. Both the pilot and co-pilot were among the victims.

An investigation into the accident later found that the cause of the accident was the captain’s failure to discontinue an ‘unstabilised approach’ and his persistence to continue with the landing, despite three calls from the First Officer to ‘go-around’.

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coastaldigest.com news network
May 22,2020

It has been 33 years since the night of 22 May, 1987 when nearly 50 Muslim men from Hashimpura, a settlement in Meerut were rounded up and packed into the rear of a truck of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC), an armed police of Uttar Pradesh. It was the blessed month of Ramadan and all the Muslims were fasting.

That night 42 of those on board the truck were killed in two massacres in neighbouring Ghaziabad district. One along the Upper Ganga canal near Muradnagar, the other along the Hindon canal in Makanpur, on the border with Delhi.

The cops had returned home after dumping the dead bodies into the canal. A few days later, the dead bodies were found floating in the canal and a case of murder was registered. 

Vir Bahadur Singh was the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh and Rajiv Gandhi was the prime minister of India when this incident took place. 

Not much has changed for the survivors and the relatives of the victims even today. The wounds are still fresh. Hashimpura remains devoid of basic municipal amenities, the erring silence on the narrow lanes of the locality amid the activities of a daily life speaks of the horror of the fateful day in 1987.

The massacre was the result of one among the many outcomes of the decision taken by the Rajiv Gandhi government to open the locks of Babri Masjid. After a month of rioting, the situation was tense in various parts of Meerut, and a lot spilled over in the nearby areas.

Timeline

May 22, 1987

Nearly 50 Muslims picked up by the PAC personnel from Hashimpura village in Meerut, Uttar Pradesh.
Victims later shot and bodies thrown into a canal. 42 persons declared dead.

1988

UP government orders CB-CID probe in the case.

February 1994

CB-CID submits inquiry report indicting over 60 PAC and police personnel of all ranks.

May 20, 1996

Charge sheet filed against 19 accused before Chief Judicial Magistrate, Ghaziabad by CB-CID of Uttar Pradesh police. 161 people listed as witnesses.

September 2002

Case transferred to Delhi by the Supreme Court on a petition by the families of victims and survivors.

July 2006

Delhi court frames charges of murder, attempt to murder, tampering with evidence and conspiracy under the IPC against 17 accused.

March 8, 2013

Trial court dismisses Subramanian Swamy's plea seeking probe into the alleged role of P Chidambaram, then Minister of State for Home, in the matter.

January 22, 2015

Trial court reserves judgement.

March 21, 2015

Court acquits 16 surviving accused giving them benefit of doubt regarding their identity.

May 18, 2015

Trial court decision challenged in the Delhi HC by the victims' families and eyewitnesses who survived the incident.

May 29, 2015

HC issues notice to the 16 PAC personnel on Uttar Pradesh government's appeal against the trial court verdict.

December 2015

National Human Rights Commission is impleaded in the matter. NHRC also seeks further probe into the massacre.

February 17, 2016

HC tags Swamy's appeal with the other petitions in the matter.

September 6, 2018

Delhi HC reserves verdict in the case.

October 31, 2018

Delhi HC convicts 16 former PAC personnel for life after finding them guilty of the murder of 42 people.

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Anusha Bhat | coastaldigest.com
July 24,2020

Mangaluru, Jul 24: Parents in Dakshina Kannada are urging the educational institutions to reduce fees at least by 75% as most of the infrastructure and resources are not being utilized due to online classes. 

“School campuses are now closed. Why we have to pay such a heavy fee when our children are not availing the facilities offered on campus?” asks a Sapna (name changed), a parent, whose two daughters study at a prestigious private school in Mangaluru.  

Even though some schools considered as small players have reduced fees, most of the “prestigious” institutions in the Mangaluru have so far refused to give any discount.

“Apart from paying school fees, now we have to invest in gadgets, internet connections and accessories required for online classes. School administration can use their infrastructure and facilities for other purposes as students are not utilizing them. Hence, they must give us maximum discount during this pandemic,” said another parent.  
 
On the other hand, many parents are facing a dire financial situation due to covid-19 lockdown – while some have suffered losses in their business some have lost their jobs.

Many parents have even approached the education department to ensure that they get a discount in fees from educational institutions, said Dakshina Kannada DDPI Malleswamy.

“We cannot do anything since a government circular has asked educational institutions not to hike fees, which they have not done, and reduce fees if possible, which will never happen. The department is acting against only those schools that forcefully collect fees,” the DDPI said.

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