Yeddyurappa: The game-changer or spoilsport?

[email protected] (Mathihalli Madan Mohan)
December 18, 2012
The Chances of political stalwarts ceding from parent parties, in search of their own political pastures based on their own performanance and image, have been quite bleak in Karnataka going by the track record in its 56 year old political history.

 

Many stalwarts, leaders with proven record of work in the parent party have tried and failed to chalk out an independent political life outside the fold of the parent party and have found themselves cast mercilessly out of the mainstream of political life.

 

The list is long enough, starting with starting with late K H Patil, Devaraj Urs,  Bangarappa, Ramakrishna Hegde and not but least the former Prime Minister, H D Devegowda.  Of them barring K H Patil all were former Chief Ministers and K H Patil was of the chief ministerial material though had no opportunity to shepherd the states affairs.

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Three of them belong to Congress and the other two belong to the Janata Dal, a new experiment initiated in Karnataka to  float the third political force, which has fallen asunder both at the state and the national level.

 

It is now the turn of the BJP, which has been in power for the past six years including the stint it had as partner in coalition, to produce one such person from its own stables.   The BJP’s first Chief Minister, Mr. Yeddyurappa, turned former Chief Minister, and is all poised to join the club. He has served notice of his intention to float his own party and try his electoral luck. The question is whether he will succeed in his gamble or meet the same fate as that of his esteemed predecessors.

 

It is the personal ego rather than anything else that has prompted these worthies to launch themselves on what is regarded as politically suicidal path. Before their tiff with the bosses, all of them had a proven record of service in the tasks assigned to them in their parent party.

 

Devaraj Urs for example was the man chosen by late Indira Gandhi when she caused the split in late 60s, by floating her own party the Congress (R).  Urs started out single handedly built the party brick by brick and played a crucial role in the partys resounding victory in 1971 parliament and 1972 assembly polls.  Urs had the distinction of being perhaps the only Congress Minister who implemented both in letter and spirit the 20 point programme of the party. It was during his second tenure as the Chief Minster in the post 1978 period, he developed rift with Indira Gandhi, broke away from the party to head the Congress (U), which failed to click in the next assembly election. This is despite the fact that Urs had reputation of giving a political identity to the Backward Classes.

 

K H Patil,’s rise in political ladder came out on the plank of anti Congressism  initially but he was drawn to Congress during the days of Indira Gandhis rebellion to become one of the valuable colleagues and comrade in arm of  Devaraj Urs.  As the specially chosen president of the state unit of the Congress of Indira Gandhi, he came in conflict with Urs in Karnataka  and when Urs withheld the financial help to the run the organisation, Patil proved that he  party did not depend on the charity of the then Chief Minister. He once mobilised the party MLAs in the Rajbhavan for a headcount to prove that Urs had lost the majority support within the ruling party and made him quit. Urs bounced back to power in 1978 and rival Congress unit headed by K H Patil was total washout in the polls. It could win two seats and polled 7.89% of the votes. Though Patil returned to the party after the exit of Urs, he had lost the political primacy and the Chief Ministers post eluded him till the last.

 

Bangarappa who was anointed as the Chief Minister of the state in as the ailing Chief Minister Veerendra Patil, who had successfully piloted the partys return to power in 1989, had been given marching orders by Rajiv Gandhi in less than a year in office, also did not long. Bangarappa fell out of the favour of the then Prime Minister late P V Narasimha Rao. And went out of launch his own brand of Congress called Karnataka Congress Party (KCP) as it was known.  In the very first trial of strength in 1994 election his bluff was called. He could win ten seats to poll little over 7% of the polled votes. But he had the pyrrhic satisfaction blocking chances of Congress retaining power. Seeing that there was no future for the party, the hand few KCP legislators moved over to Congress leaving Bangarappa in the lurch. Again he had lost the political sheen. Though he came back into the Congress again and later moved over to BJP, the lost political élan never returned.

 

The fall of the Ramakrishna Hegde and Devegowda, two of the original founders of the idea of the formation of the third front, runs rather identically. First it was Devegowda who rose in rebellion under the spacious plea  of inadequate resources for irrigation development, and later brought down his own party government lead by S R Bommai in 1988.  In the 1989 his outfit succeeded in winning two seats and polled a little over 11% of the votes. But his entry had a decisive impact in spoiling chances of Janata Dal retaining power and paved way for the return of Congress after a gap of five years.

 

After seeing the futility of ploughing a lonely furrow, Devegowda made it back to the parent party after showing signs of repentance to be rehabilitated as the state party president. He hit a jackpot in the 1994 elections, when he could become the Chief Minister and within two years he hit another jackpot. The Chief Minister, with a just 16 MPs in the loksabha catapulted himself as the Prime Minister due to quirk of circumstances outwitting  Ramakrishna Hegde who was eyeing on the post, since Gowda was safe in the home turf as the Chief Minister. Devegowda who is known to be vindictive in political life, did not spare the Samaritan  who had given a him a new lease of  political life and went to expel Ramakrishna Hegde,  from the party, notwithstanding the fact that Hegde was one of the pillars of the party.

 

As a result the onetime national icon, Ramakrishna Hegde, often projected by the media as the Prime Minister in waiting, found himself reduced to the state of regional leader in Karnataka. And the new outfit that he formed the Janata Dal (U) held on to the power for a while before going down in the next assembly election of 1999 to be completely wiped out in 2004.

 

Devegowda in his hurry to drum out Hegde could hardly realise that by drumming out Hegde, he was cutting at the very branch on which he was standing. His new outfit the Janata Dal S failed to catch the imagination of the voters and could hardly carry the legacy of the Janata Dal. The one time Prime Minister has found himself heading a “national party” with a sub regional presence in Karnataka.  His politics at the moment is centred around not on how his party could come to power (which is impossible at the moment) but on how to play the number game in this coalition of Karnataka politics to his advantage. He is confined to play a third fiddle in the state politics.

Now comes Yeddyurappa.  It is an undeniable fact that Yeddyurappa has played a stellar role in the growth of the party in Karnataka. As a matter of fact both of them grew together. As the party continued to acquire electoral clout moving from the leading opposition party  to partner in a coalition government and later became ruling party on his own, there was a commensurate rise in the status of Yeddyurappa, who moved  gradually to the top to become a Deputy Chief Minister and later Chief Minister in 2008. Nobody grudged the rise in the status and for the first three years of his regime as the first BJP Chief Minister he was the tallest of the political leader in Karnataka, with none having the stature and gumption to challenge him either within or outside the party. The high command trusted him implicitly. He was looking forward for an effortless completion of the present term and looked for a second term, which would have helped him to beat the record of eight years reign as the Chief Minister held by Devaraj Urs.

 

The vortex of the scams of sorts including that of illegal mining in which he and his government was drawn, triggered off his downfall.  The indictment by the Karnataka Lokayukta and denotification of land scams proved to be last nail in the coffin.

 

The high command which had given him a long rope had no other alternative in asking him to demit office till he was cleared of the charges. But he hedged for a while before giving in.  It was in this process that two of the hitherto unknown facets of his personality have come for public attention.

 

One is that from a loyal soldier of the party, Yeddyurappa has graduated to nurse a feeling that he is bigger than the party and that it is the party which should be beholdened to him than otherwise.

 

Secondly, his excessive obsession with power. It looks as if, Yeddyurppa cannot live without power for a single moment. All that tolerance which was there when he was in the opposition, appears have been overtaken by his six years experience in power. He feels that he is inevitable for Karnataka and that it is he only who is capable of leading the state on the path of progress. It is he or the deluge. This is what he would like the people to believe.

 

It is because of this that he has started throwing tantrums at all and sundry, hitting out  at the national leaders, and  deriding the party  patriarch like Advani,  berating the national leadership in general and national president Mr Nitin Gadkari in particular.  He has been quite critical of the way the party government headed by his own chosen protégés are functioning.

 

The prospects under circumstances for the Yeddyurappa’s new political outfit in the forthcoming assembly elections have to be assessed  taking into consideration some ground political reality.

 

Basically, the Karnataka voters  are  hardly prone to change their political preferences in the elections. It has been seen that despite the change in state leadership, there is hardly any change at the voters level as a class, with little variation here and there.  The political adventurism by anybody has hardly been able to influence the voters in any appreciable manner.

 

Added to this are some of the developments, which are peculiar to Yeddyurappa’s case.  One is the projection of Yeddyurappa as a Lingayat leader. Castewise constituencies developed by the leaders have never been beneficial, as has been experienced by Devaraj Urs, and Bangarappa, (OBCs) and  Devegowda (Vokkalingas). In the ultimate analysis, it has always proved to be counterproductive. Besides, Yeddyurappa inherited title after the exit of  Ramakrishna Hegde, a non lingayat  who was  immensely trusted by Lingayats of Northern Karnataka.

 

Besides Yeddyurappas own political propensities, which were manifest in the recent days have hardly enhanced his profession, namely the obsession with political power, and projection of his image as something bigger than party, besides his own act of reneging the party, which has given him the stature. It is quite unlikely that the potent weapon of appealing to the sentiments of the people, which Yeddyurappa successfully worked  during the 2008 election, projecting himself as a man wronged by the JDS, will work  this time. For the things are different this time. He has not been hounded out of the party but it is the party, which is being virtually blackmailed by him. It is because of this that the spectre of political uncertainty has been hanging on the minds of his supporter legislators as the day of the reckoning is drawing near.

*The writer is a senior journalist and columnist based in Hubli

 

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Ram Puniyani
July 20,2020

As Covid 19 has created havoc all rounds, the rulers of certain countries are using it to further intensify their set agendas. The democratic freedoms are being curtailed in certain forms, the reaction to which has come in America in the form of a campaign, which is opposing “stifling” cultural climate that is imposing “ideological conformity” and weakening “norms of open debate and toleration of differences”. In India similar intimidations have been intensified. In addition the occasion has been used by the sectarian forces first to link the spread of Corona to Muslim community and now in the name of reducing the burden of curriculum certain chapters on core concepts related to Indian nationalism are being deleted from the text books.

It has been reported that chapters on federalism, citizenship, nationalism, secularism, Human Rights, Legal Aid and Local Self Government and the like are being dropped. Education has been an important area for communal forces and they constantly keep saying that leftists have dominated the curriculum content, it suffers from the impact of Macaulay, Marx and Mohammad and so needs to be Indianized. The first such attempt was done when BJP came to power in 1998 as NDA and had Murli Manohar Joshi as the MHRD minister. He brought the changes which were termed as ‘saffronization of education’. Their focus is more on social science. Some of the highlights of this were introduction of subjects like Astrology and Paurohitya, and chapters defending caste system, nationalism of the type of Hitler was praised.

With defeat of NDA in 2004, the UPA did try to rectify some of these distortions. Again after 2014 the RSS affiliates working in the area of education have been active, interacting with MHRD officials to impress upon them the need to change the curriculum matching with their Hindu nationalist agenda. Its ‘Shiksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas’ has been asking for removal of English, Urdu words in the texts. It has asked for removal of thoughts of Rabindranath Tagore on Nationalism, extracts of autobiography of M F Husain, references to benevolence of Muslim rulers, references to BJP being Hindu party, apology of Dr. Manmohan Singh for anti Sikh pogrom of 1984, the reference to killings of Gujarat carnage in 2002 among others. This they call as Bhartiykaran of syllabus.

As RSS is a multithreaded hydra one of its pracharak Dinanath Batra has set up ‘Shiksha Bachao Abhiyan Samiti’ which has been pressurizing various publishers to drop the books which are not conforming to their ideology. One recalls their pressuring withdrawal of Wendy Doniger’s ‘The Hindus’, as it does present the ancient India through the concerns of dalits and women. Mr. Batra has already come out with a set of nine books for school curriculum, giving the RSS view of the past and RSS understanding of social sciences. These have already been translated into Gujarati and thousands of the sets of these books are being used in Gujarat Schools.

The present step of deleting parts of curriculum which gives the basics of Indian Nationalism, secularism and human rights is a further step in the same direction. These are the topics which have made the Hindu nationalists uncomfortable during last few years. They have been defaming secularism. They removed it from the preamble of Indian constitution, when they put out an ad on the eve of Republic day in 2015. From last few decades since the Ram Temple movement was brought up, simultaneously the secular ethos of India’s freedom movement and secular values of Indian constitution have been constantly criticized. Many an RSS ideologues and BJP leaders have been asking for change of Indian Constitution for this very reason.

Secularism is part of the concept of Indian nationalism. In the name of religious nationalism, sectarian divisive nationalism they have been attacking various student leaders in particular. When we study Nationalism, the very genesis of Indian nationalism tells us the plurality of our freedom movement with its anti colonial roots. The struggle was for Indian nationalism and so the Muslims and Hindu communalists kept aloof from this great struggle against colonial masters, it was this struggle which built the Indian nation with all its diversity.

Similarly as we have equal rights as citizens the chapters on citizenship are being dropped. Federalism has been the core part of India’s administrative and political structure. As the dictatorial tendencies are becoming stronger, federalism is bound to suffer and that explains the dropping of this subject. Democracy is decentralization of power. Power reaching the lowermost part of the system, the villages and average citizens. This got reflected in Local self Government. The power is distributed among villages, cities, state and center. By removing chapters on federalism and local self government, the indications of the ideology of ruling party are on display.

While we are not dealing with all the portents of the planned omissions, one more aspect that related to dropping of chapter on Human rights needs our attention. The concept of Human rights and dignity are interlinked. This concept of Human rights also has international ramifications. India is signatory to many an UN covenants related to Human rights. The indications are clear that now rights will be for the few elite and ‘duties’ for the large deprived sections will be put on the forefront.

In a way this incidental ‘Corona gifted opportunity’ to the ruling Government is being fully used to enhance the agenda of ruling party in the arena of Educational Curriculum. The part of curriculum with which the ruling party is uncomfortable is being removed. This act of omission does supplement their other acts of commission in changing the shape of educational curriculum, which are reflected in RSS affiliates’ suggestions to MHRD regarding Bhartiyakaran of contents of syllabus. As per this the things like regarding the great epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata as History, the things like India having all the stem cell technology, plastic surgery, aviation science etc. will have a place in the changes planned by communal forces!

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Ram Puniyani
August 9,2020

Contrary to present impression that Muslims are separatists due to whom the partition of India took place, the truth is that Muslims contributed to freedom movement and upheld India’s composite culture in equal measure. The partition process, mainly due to British policy of ‘divide and rule’ well assisted by Hindu and Muslim communalists is being hidden from the popular vision in India and Muslims in general are held responsible for the same. Not only that the communal historiography introduced by British to pursue their policies has become the bedrock of communal politics and worsening of the perceptions about Muslims is in progress in India.

Yet another example of this has been a series of tweets by the bureaucrat, who is close to retirement, K. Nageshwar Rao. Contrary to the service rules he has made statements, through his tweets which are appreciative of RSS-BJP and demonise the stalwarts Muslim leaders who not only contributed to the freedom movement but also later gave valuable service in laying the foundation of Independent India. As per Rao, his tweets he accuses Maulana Azad and the other Muslim Education ministers of “deracination of Hindus”. After naming “Maulana Abul Kalam Azad — 11 years (1947-58)”; “Humayun Kabir, M C Chagla & Fakruddin Ali Ahmed — 4 years (1963-67)”; and, “Nurul Hassan — 5 years (1972-77)”, he posts: “Remaining 10 years other Leftists like VKRV Rao.”

He points out that their policies were meant to “1. Deny Hindus their knowledge, 2. Vilify Hinduism as collection of superstitions, 3. Abrahamise Education, 4. Abrahamise Media & Entertainment, 5. Shame Hindus about their identity!  and 6. Bereft of the glue of Hinduism Hindu society dies.”

Then he goes on to praise RSS-BJP for bringing the glory back to Hindus. These statements of his on one hand promote the Hate and on the other tantamount to political statement, which civil servants should not by making. CPM politburo member Brinda Karat has written a letter to Home Minister Amit Shah to take suitable action against the erring bureaucrat.

Rao begins with Maulana Abul kalam Azad. Surely Azad was one of the major leaders of freedom movement, who was also the youngest President of INC, in 1923 and later between 1940 to 1945. He opposed the partition process tooth and nail till the very last. As the Congress President in 1923 he wrote a remarkable Para, symbolizing the urge for Hindu Muslim unity, “If an angel descends from heaven and offers me Swaraj in 24 hours on condition that I give up Hindu Muslim Unity, I will refuse. Swaraj we will get sooner or later; its delay will be a loss for India, but loss of Hindu Muslim unity will be a loss for human kind”. His biographer Syeda Hamid points out “He spoke without an iota of doubt about how debacle of Indian Muslims has been the result of the colossal mistakes committed by Muslim League’s misguided leadership. He exhorted Muslims to make common cause with their Hindu, Sikh, Christian fellow countrymen.” He was the one who promoted the translation of Hindu scriptures Ramayan and Mahabharat in to Persian.

Surely Mr. Rao, neither has read Azad or read about him nor knows his contributions to making of Modern India. While today, the ideological formation to which Mr. Rao seems to be pledging his commitment is critical of all that happened during Nehru era, it was during this period when as education minister Azad was shepherding the formations of IITs, Academies of Science, Lalit kala Academies. It was during this period that the efforts to promote Indian composite culture were undertaken through various steps.

The other stalwarts who are under the hammer have been outstanding scholars and giants in their own field of education. Humayun Kabir, Nurul Hasan, Dr.Zakir Husssain gave matchless ideas and practical contributions in different fields of education. One can say that contrary to the accusations, India could match up to the Computer era, software and associate things, due to creation of large manpower in these areas mainly due to these foundations which were laid down particularly in the field of education during this period.

The charge that these ‘Muslim’ education ministers white washed the bloody Islamic rule is a blind repetition of the offshoot of communal historiography introduced by British. While Kings were ruling for power and wealth, their courts had Hindus and Muslim both officers. The jaundiced vision sees this as a bloody Islamic rule but as a matter of fact the syncretic culture and traditions developed precisely this period. It was during this period that Bhakti Traidtion with Kabir, Tukaram, Namdeo, Tulsidas flourished. It was during this period that humane values of Sufi saints reached far and wide. It was during this period that poets like Rahim and Raskhan produced their classic literature n praise of Hindu Gods.

We also need to remind ourselves that large number of Muslims participated in the freedom Movement. Two scholars Shamsul Islam and Nasir Ahmad have come out with books on the myriad such freedom fighters, to recall just a few names. Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, Zakir Hussain, Syed Mohammad Sharfuddin Kadri, Bakht Khan, Muzzafar Ahmad, Mohammad Abdir Rahman,, Abbas Ali, Asaf Ali, Yusuf Mehrali, Maulana Mazahrul Hague.

These are just a few of the names. The movement, led by Gandhi, definitely laid the foundations where composite Indian culture and respect for all religions, others’ religion was paramount and this is what created Indian fraternity, one of the values which finds its place in the preamble of Indian Constitution.

This blaming of Education ministers who were Muslims is an add-on to the process of Islamophobia in India. So for there have been many actions of Muslim kings which are selectively presented as being bloody, now the post Independent History, where glorious contributions have been made by Muslim leaders are being used to further deepen the divisive process. We need to pay respects to builders of modern India, irrespective of their religion.

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Ram Puniyani
January 26,2020

During last couple of decades we have been witnessing the coming up of various statues in different parts of the country. There is diverse political logic and different set of political tendencies for erecting these statues. When Mayawati was UP CM, she got multiple of her own statues made, in addition to many statues of major dalit icons, irrespective of the criticism against that act. As per her strategy it was a symbol of identity of dalit assertion. The biggest statue to come up was that of Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, a lifelong Congressman, whom RSS combine is trying to appropriate. This statue of Unity was ‘Made in China’. The clever trick was that the same forces were behind this statue, which was banned by Patel in the aftermath of Gandhi murder. Interestingly while currently BJP is blaming Congress for Partition of India, ironically it was Sardar Patel who was in the committee which gave final stamp of approval for the partition of India.

There is also a talk in UP, where the Ram temple campaign yielded rich electoral dividends for BJP, to have tallest statue of Lord Ram in Ayodhya. In a state where children are dying in hospitals due to lack of Oxygen cylinders, a huge budgetary allocation will be required for such project. While on statues one should also remember that in Maharashtra a tall statue of Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj is underway in Arabian Sea, near Mumbai. Only few voices of protest against it came up, e.g. that of renowned journalist, now, MP, Kumar Ketkar, whose house was vandalised for his opposing the move on the grounds that same massive amount can be utilized for welfare-development activities in the state.

On the back of this comes a comparatively low budget 114 feet tall statue of Jesus Christ in Karnataka, in Kappala hills Harobele village, where Christian pilgrims have been thronging from last several centuries. The land for this has been donated by Congress leader Shivaprasad and his brother, a Congress MP. It is planned to be carved out from a single rock. The plan of this statue is being opposed by those who have been behind most of the statue projects so far. Hindu Jagran Vedike, VHP, RSS are up in arms saying that they will not let this come up. There are various arguments cited for this opposition. It is being said that this was a place of worship of Lord Munnieshwara (a form of Lord Shiva).

More than this it is being argued that Shivakumar is trying to please his Italian boss in the party. Also that this will bring back the period of slavery of foreign rule, the colonial rule of British. As such this opposition is more in tune with the ideology of RSS combine, which has been for a statue here and a statue there. Their politics regards Christianity as a ‘foreign religion’! It is true that in Citizenship Amendment Act, they have not excluded Christianity while other religion, which they regard as ‘Foreign’ i.e. Islam. Here they are using a different logic, that the countries from where persecuted minorities are coming, are Muslim countries, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangla Desh.

In India the major targeting by RSS combine has been against Muslims, but Christians are also not spared. Starting in the decade of 1980, an intense propaganda has been going on that Christian Missionaries are converting. As RSS affiliate Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram became active in Adivasi areas, the likes of Swami Aseemanand, Swami Laxmanand and followers of Aasaram bapu spread out in Tribal areas. They started their programs to popularise Shabri and Hanuman, with congregations like Shabri Kumbh being regularly organized in these areas. The aim was to Hinduize the people in those areas.

The first major anti Christian violence came up in the ghastly form of burning alive of Pastor Graham Steward Stains along with his two minor sons Timothy and Philip. RSS affiliate Bajrang Dal's Dara Siingh aka Rajendra Pal was behind this and he is serving the life term for that. At the same time Wadhva Commission was appointed to investigate this crime which shook the country and President K.R. Narayan termed it as the one belonging to the inventory of the black deeds of human history.

The Wadhva commission report pointed out that there was no statistical significant change in the region where the pastor was working. Similarly the national figures tell us that the Christian population, if at all, has marginally declined in last five decades as per the census figures. They stand like this, percentage of Christians in population, 1971-2.60, 1981- 2.44, 1991-2.34, 2001-2.30 and 2011-2.30. There are arguments that some people are converting to Christianity but are not revealing their religion. This may be true in case of miniscule percentage of dalits, who may not reveal there conversion, as they stand to loose reservation provisions if they convert.

The anti Christian violence is scattered and is below the radar most of the places. There was massive valence in Kandhamal, Orissa, when on the pretext that Christians have murdered Swami Laxmananand, a massive violence was unleashed in 2008. On regular basis prayer meetings of Christians are attacked on the pretext that these are attempts at conversion. While there is a huge demand for the schools and colleges run by Christian groups, in Adivasis areas and remote areas the work of Swamis is on.

Now the trend is to dump Christian traditions. Since Ramnath Kovind became President, the usual practice of Carol Singers visiting Rashtrapati Bhavan has been stopped. In the army retreat so far ‘Abide with me’ by Scottish poet, Henri Francis Lyte, a Christian song, a favourite of Gandhi, has been dropped. The Christian minorities have perceived the threat in various forms. Currently they are as much part of the protests against CAA, NPR and NRIC as any other community.

While statues and identity issues cannot have primacy over the social development issues, it cannot be selective. To oppose Jesus Christ statue while spending fortunes for other statues is a part of the agenda of RSS combine, which is unfolding itself in various forms. opposition to Jesus Christ statue being yet another step in the direction.

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