Yeddyurappa: The game-changer or spoilsport?

[email protected] (Mathihalli Madan Mohan)
December 18, 2012
The Chances of political stalwarts ceding from parent parties, in search of their own political pastures based on their own performanance and image, have been quite bleak in Karnataka going by the track record in its 56 year old political history.

 

Many stalwarts, leaders with proven record of work in the parent party have tried and failed to chalk out an independent political life outside the fold of the parent party and have found themselves cast mercilessly out of the mainstream of political life.

 

The list is long enough, starting with starting with late K H Patil, Devaraj Urs,  Bangarappa, Ramakrishna Hegde and not but least the former Prime Minister, H D Devegowda.  Of them barring K H Patil all were former Chief Ministers and K H Patil was of the chief ministerial material though had no opportunity to shepherd the states affairs.

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Three of them belong to Congress and the other two belong to the Janata Dal, a new experiment initiated in Karnataka to  float the third political force, which has fallen asunder both at the state and the national level.

 

It is now the turn of the BJP, which has been in power for the past six years including the stint it had as partner in coalition, to produce one such person from its own stables.   The BJP’s first Chief Minister, Mr. Yeddyurappa, turned former Chief Minister, and is all poised to join the club. He has served notice of his intention to float his own party and try his electoral luck. The question is whether he will succeed in his gamble or meet the same fate as that of his esteemed predecessors.

 

It is the personal ego rather than anything else that has prompted these worthies to launch themselves on what is regarded as politically suicidal path. Before their tiff with the bosses, all of them had a proven record of service in the tasks assigned to them in their parent party.

 

Devaraj Urs for example was the man chosen by late Indira Gandhi when she caused the split in late 60s, by floating her own party the Congress (R).  Urs started out single handedly built the party brick by brick and played a crucial role in the partys resounding victory in 1971 parliament and 1972 assembly polls.  Urs had the distinction of being perhaps the only Congress Minister who implemented both in letter and spirit the 20 point programme of the party. It was during his second tenure as the Chief Minster in the post 1978 period, he developed rift with Indira Gandhi, broke away from the party to head the Congress (U), which failed to click in the next assembly election. This is despite the fact that Urs had reputation of giving a political identity to the Backward Classes.

 

K H Patil,’s rise in political ladder came out on the plank of anti Congressism  initially but he was drawn to Congress during the days of Indira Gandhis rebellion to become one of the valuable colleagues and comrade in arm of  Devaraj Urs.  As the specially chosen president of the state unit of the Congress of Indira Gandhi, he came in conflict with Urs in Karnataka  and when Urs withheld the financial help to the run the organisation, Patil proved that he  party did not depend on the charity of the then Chief Minister. He once mobilised the party MLAs in the Rajbhavan for a headcount to prove that Urs had lost the majority support within the ruling party and made him quit. Urs bounced back to power in 1978 and rival Congress unit headed by K H Patil was total washout in the polls. It could win two seats and polled 7.89% of the votes. Though Patil returned to the party after the exit of Urs, he had lost the political primacy and the Chief Ministers post eluded him till the last.

 

Bangarappa who was anointed as the Chief Minister of the state in as the ailing Chief Minister Veerendra Patil, who had successfully piloted the partys return to power in 1989, had been given marching orders by Rajiv Gandhi in less than a year in office, also did not long. Bangarappa fell out of the favour of the then Prime Minister late P V Narasimha Rao. And went out of launch his own brand of Congress called Karnataka Congress Party (KCP) as it was known.  In the very first trial of strength in 1994 election his bluff was called. He could win ten seats to poll little over 7% of the polled votes. But he had the pyrrhic satisfaction blocking chances of Congress retaining power. Seeing that there was no future for the party, the hand few KCP legislators moved over to Congress leaving Bangarappa in the lurch. Again he had lost the political sheen. Though he came back into the Congress again and later moved over to BJP, the lost political élan never returned.

 

The fall of the Ramakrishna Hegde and Devegowda, two of the original founders of the idea of the formation of the third front, runs rather identically. First it was Devegowda who rose in rebellion under the spacious plea  of inadequate resources for irrigation development, and later brought down his own party government lead by S R Bommai in 1988.  In the 1989 his outfit succeeded in winning two seats and polled a little over 11% of the votes. But his entry had a decisive impact in spoiling chances of Janata Dal retaining power and paved way for the return of Congress after a gap of five years.

 

After seeing the futility of ploughing a lonely furrow, Devegowda made it back to the parent party after showing signs of repentance to be rehabilitated as the state party president. He hit a jackpot in the 1994 elections, when he could become the Chief Minister and within two years he hit another jackpot. The Chief Minister, with a just 16 MPs in the loksabha catapulted himself as the Prime Minister due to quirk of circumstances outwitting  Ramakrishna Hegde who was eyeing on the post, since Gowda was safe in the home turf as the Chief Minister. Devegowda who is known to be vindictive in political life, did not spare the Samaritan  who had given a him a new lease of  political life and went to expel Ramakrishna Hegde,  from the party, notwithstanding the fact that Hegde was one of the pillars of the party.

 

As a result the onetime national icon, Ramakrishna Hegde, often projected by the media as the Prime Minister in waiting, found himself reduced to the state of regional leader in Karnataka. And the new outfit that he formed the Janata Dal (U) held on to the power for a while before going down in the next assembly election of 1999 to be completely wiped out in 2004.

 

Devegowda in his hurry to drum out Hegde could hardly realise that by drumming out Hegde, he was cutting at the very branch on which he was standing. His new outfit the Janata Dal S failed to catch the imagination of the voters and could hardly carry the legacy of the Janata Dal. The one time Prime Minister has found himself heading a “national party” with a sub regional presence in Karnataka.  His politics at the moment is centred around not on how his party could come to power (which is impossible at the moment) but on how to play the number game in this coalition of Karnataka politics to his advantage. He is confined to play a third fiddle in the state politics.

Now comes Yeddyurappa.  It is an undeniable fact that Yeddyurappa has played a stellar role in the growth of the party in Karnataka. As a matter of fact both of them grew together. As the party continued to acquire electoral clout moving from the leading opposition party  to partner in a coalition government and later became ruling party on his own, there was a commensurate rise in the status of Yeddyurappa, who moved  gradually to the top to become a Deputy Chief Minister and later Chief Minister in 2008. Nobody grudged the rise in the status and for the first three years of his regime as the first BJP Chief Minister he was the tallest of the political leader in Karnataka, with none having the stature and gumption to challenge him either within or outside the party. The high command trusted him implicitly. He was looking forward for an effortless completion of the present term and looked for a second term, which would have helped him to beat the record of eight years reign as the Chief Minister held by Devaraj Urs.

 

The vortex of the scams of sorts including that of illegal mining in which he and his government was drawn, triggered off his downfall.  The indictment by the Karnataka Lokayukta and denotification of land scams proved to be last nail in the coffin.

 

The high command which had given him a long rope had no other alternative in asking him to demit office till he was cleared of the charges. But he hedged for a while before giving in.  It was in this process that two of the hitherto unknown facets of his personality have come for public attention.

 

One is that from a loyal soldier of the party, Yeddyurappa has graduated to nurse a feeling that he is bigger than the party and that it is the party which should be beholdened to him than otherwise.

 

Secondly, his excessive obsession with power. It looks as if, Yeddyurppa cannot live without power for a single moment. All that tolerance which was there when he was in the opposition, appears have been overtaken by his six years experience in power. He feels that he is inevitable for Karnataka and that it is he only who is capable of leading the state on the path of progress. It is he or the deluge. This is what he would like the people to believe.

 

It is because of this that he has started throwing tantrums at all and sundry, hitting out  at the national leaders, and  deriding the party  patriarch like Advani,  berating the national leadership in general and national president Mr Nitin Gadkari in particular.  He has been quite critical of the way the party government headed by his own chosen protégés are functioning.

 

The prospects under circumstances for the Yeddyurappa’s new political outfit in the forthcoming assembly elections have to be assessed  taking into consideration some ground political reality.

 

Basically, the Karnataka voters  are  hardly prone to change their political preferences in the elections. It has been seen that despite the change in state leadership, there is hardly any change at the voters level as a class, with little variation here and there.  The political adventurism by anybody has hardly been able to influence the voters in any appreciable manner.

 

Added to this are some of the developments, which are peculiar to Yeddyurappa’s case.  One is the projection of Yeddyurappa as a Lingayat leader. Castewise constituencies developed by the leaders have never been beneficial, as has been experienced by Devaraj Urs, and Bangarappa, (OBCs) and  Devegowda (Vokkalingas). In the ultimate analysis, it has always proved to be counterproductive. Besides, Yeddyurappa inherited title after the exit of  Ramakrishna Hegde, a non lingayat  who was  immensely trusted by Lingayats of Northern Karnataka.

 

Besides Yeddyurappas own political propensities, which were manifest in the recent days have hardly enhanced his profession, namely the obsession with political power, and projection of his image as something bigger than party, besides his own act of reneging the party, which has given him the stature. It is quite unlikely that the potent weapon of appealing to the sentiments of the people, which Yeddyurappa successfully worked  during the 2008 election, projecting himself as a man wronged by the JDS, will work  this time. For the things are different this time. He has not been hounded out of the party but it is the party, which is being virtually blackmailed by him. It is because of this that the spectre of political uncertainty has been hanging on the minds of his supporter legislators as the day of the reckoning is drawing near.

*The writer is a senior journalist and columnist based in Hubli

 

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Ram Puniyani
January 9,2020

‘Go to Pakistan’ has probably been most often used phrase used against Muslims in India. Recently in yet another such incident the SP of Meerut, UP has been in the news and a video is circulating where he, Akhilesh Narayan Singh, is allegedly using the jibe ‘Go to Pakistan’. In the video he is seen shouting at protestors at Lisari Gate area in Meerut, “The ones (protestors) wearing those black or yellow armbands, tell them to go to Pakistan”. His seniors stood by him calling it ‘natural reaction to shouting of pro Pakistan slogans. Many BJP leaders like Uma Bhararti also defended the officer. Breaking ranks with fellow politicians, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi of BJP, criticised the said officer and asked for suitable action against him. Interestingly this is same Naqvi, who earlier when the beef related arguments were going on; had stated that those who want to eat beef can go to Pakistan.

Interestingly this is probably the first time that any BJP leader has opposed the use of this jibe against the Indian Muslims. True to the dominance of trolls who support divisive politics, Naqvi has been trolled on the issue. As such vibe ‘Go to Pakistan’ has been a strong tool in the hands of aggressive elements to demonise Muslims in general and to humiliate those with Muslim names. One recalls that when due to the rising intolerance in the society many eminent writers, film makers were returning their awards, Aamir Khan said that his wife Kiran Rao is worried about their son. Immediately BJP worthies like Giriraj Singh pounced on him that he can go to Pakistan.

The strategy of BJP combine has been on one hand to use this ‘go to Pakistan’ to humiliate Muslims on the other from last few years another Pakistan dimension has been added. Those who are critical of the policies of BJP-RSS have on one hand been called as anti National and on the other it is being said that ‘they are speaking the language of Pakistan’.

Use of Pakistan to label the Muslims and dissidents here in India has been a very shrewd tool in the hands of communal forces. One remembers that the ‘cricket nationalism’ was also the one to use it. In case of India-Pakistan cricket match, the national hysteria, which it created, was also aiming at Indian Muslims. What was propagated was that Indian Muslims cheer for Pakistan victory and they root for Pakistan. There was an unfortunate grain of truth in this as a section of disgruntled, alienated Muslim did that. That was not the total picture, as most Indian Muslims were cheering for Indian victory. Many a Muslim cricketers contributed massively to Indian cricket victories. The cricket legends like Nawab Mansoor Ali Khan Pataudi, Irfan Pathan, and Mohammad Azaruddin are just the few among the long list of those who brought glories for India in the field of cricket.

Even in matters of defence there are legions of Muslims who contributed to Indian efforts in the war against Pakistan all through. Abdul Hamid’s role in 1965 India Pak war and the role of Muslim soldiers in Kargil war will be part of Indian military history. There have been generals in army who contributed in many ways for the role which military has been playing in service of the nation. General Zamiruddin Shah, when asked to handle Gujarat carnage, does recount how despite the lack of support from local administration for some time, eventually the military was able to quell the violence in some ways.

During freedom movement Muslims were as much part of the struggle against British rule as any other community. While the perception has been created that Muslims were demanding Pakistan, the truth is somewhere else. It was only the elite section of Muslims who supported the politics of Muslim League and later the same Muslim League could mobilize some other section and unleash the violence like ‘Direct Action’ in Kolkata, which in a way precipitated the actual process of partition, which was the goal of British and aim of Muslim League apart from this being the outcome of ‘Two Nation theory’.

Not much is popularized about the role of great number of Muslims who were part of National movement, who steadfastly opposed the idea and politics which led to the sad partition of the subcontinent. Few excellent accounts of the role of Muslims in freedom movement like Syed Nasir Ahmad, Ubaidur Rahman, Satish Ganjoo and Shamsul Islam are few of these not too well know books which give the outline of the great Muslim freedom fighters like Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Ansari Brothers, Ashfaqulla Khan.

Immediately after partition tragedy the communal propaganda did the overdrive to blame the whole partition process on Muslim separatism, this totally undermined the fact that how poor Muslims had taken out massive marches to oppose the Lahore Resolution of separate Pakistan moved by Mohammad Ali Jinnah. The whole Muslim community started being seen as the homogenous, ‘The other’ and other misconceptions started against the community, the one’s relating them to atrocities of Muslim kings started being made as the part of popular folklore, leading the Hate against them. This Hate in turn laid the foundation of violence and eventual ghettoisation of this community.

The interactive-syncretism prevalent in India well presented by Gandhi-Nehru was pushed to the margins as those believing in pluralism did not actively engage with the issue. The economic marginalization of this community, coupled with the increasing insecurity in turn led to some of them to identify with Pakistan, and this small section was again presented as the representative of the whole Muslim community.

Today the battle of perception is heavily tilted against the Muslim community. It is a bit of a surprise as Naqvi is differing from his other fellow colleagues to say that the action should be taken against the erring police officer. The hope is that all round efforts are stepped up to combat the perception constructed against this religious minority in India. 

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Prakash SS
 - 
Thursday, 9 Jan 2020

it is very much understandable if Pakistan is bad country our PM Namo would never visited without any invitation, that time Pakistan was good he prised their Mutton biriyani and Karak chai in pakistan. we feel something is wrong with our PM and his chelas. 

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Ram Puniyani
January 26,2020

During last couple of decades we have been witnessing the coming up of various statues in different parts of the country. There is diverse political logic and different set of political tendencies for erecting these statues. When Mayawati was UP CM, she got multiple of her own statues made, in addition to many statues of major dalit icons, irrespective of the criticism against that act. As per her strategy it was a symbol of identity of dalit assertion. The biggest statue to come up was that of Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, a lifelong Congressman, whom RSS combine is trying to appropriate. This statue of Unity was ‘Made in China’. The clever trick was that the same forces were behind this statue, which was banned by Patel in the aftermath of Gandhi murder. Interestingly while currently BJP is blaming Congress for Partition of India, ironically it was Sardar Patel who was in the committee which gave final stamp of approval for the partition of India.

There is also a talk in UP, where the Ram temple campaign yielded rich electoral dividends for BJP, to have tallest statue of Lord Ram in Ayodhya. In a state where children are dying in hospitals due to lack of Oxygen cylinders, a huge budgetary allocation will be required for such project. While on statues one should also remember that in Maharashtra a tall statue of Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj is underway in Arabian Sea, near Mumbai. Only few voices of protest against it came up, e.g. that of renowned journalist, now, MP, Kumar Ketkar, whose house was vandalised for his opposing the move on the grounds that same massive amount can be utilized for welfare-development activities in the state.

On the back of this comes a comparatively low budget 114 feet tall statue of Jesus Christ in Karnataka, in Kappala hills Harobele village, where Christian pilgrims have been thronging from last several centuries. The land for this has been donated by Congress leader Shivaprasad and his brother, a Congress MP. It is planned to be carved out from a single rock. The plan of this statue is being opposed by those who have been behind most of the statue projects so far. Hindu Jagran Vedike, VHP, RSS are up in arms saying that they will not let this come up. There are various arguments cited for this opposition. It is being said that this was a place of worship of Lord Munnieshwara (a form of Lord Shiva).

More than this it is being argued that Shivakumar is trying to please his Italian boss in the party. Also that this will bring back the period of slavery of foreign rule, the colonial rule of British. As such this opposition is more in tune with the ideology of RSS combine, which has been for a statue here and a statue there. Their politics regards Christianity as a ‘foreign religion’! It is true that in Citizenship Amendment Act, they have not excluded Christianity while other religion, which they regard as ‘Foreign’ i.e. Islam. Here they are using a different logic, that the countries from where persecuted minorities are coming, are Muslim countries, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangla Desh.

In India the major targeting by RSS combine has been against Muslims, but Christians are also not spared. Starting in the decade of 1980, an intense propaganda has been going on that Christian Missionaries are converting. As RSS affiliate Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram became active in Adivasi areas, the likes of Swami Aseemanand, Swami Laxmanand and followers of Aasaram bapu spread out in Tribal areas. They started their programs to popularise Shabri and Hanuman, with congregations like Shabri Kumbh being regularly organized in these areas. The aim was to Hinduize the people in those areas.

The first major anti Christian violence came up in the ghastly form of burning alive of Pastor Graham Steward Stains along with his two minor sons Timothy and Philip. RSS affiliate Bajrang Dal's Dara Siingh aka Rajendra Pal was behind this and he is serving the life term for that. At the same time Wadhva Commission was appointed to investigate this crime which shook the country and President K.R. Narayan termed it as the one belonging to the inventory of the black deeds of human history.

The Wadhva commission report pointed out that there was no statistical significant change in the region where the pastor was working. Similarly the national figures tell us that the Christian population, if at all, has marginally declined in last five decades as per the census figures. They stand like this, percentage of Christians in population, 1971-2.60, 1981- 2.44, 1991-2.34, 2001-2.30 and 2011-2.30. There are arguments that some people are converting to Christianity but are not revealing their religion. This may be true in case of miniscule percentage of dalits, who may not reveal there conversion, as they stand to loose reservation provisions if they convert.

The anti Christian violence is scattered and is below the radar most of the places. There was massive valence in Kandhamal, Orissa, when on the pretext that Christians have murdered Swami Laxmananand, a massive violence was unleashed in 2008. On regular basis prayer meetings of Christians are attacked on the pretext that these are attempts at conversion. While there is a huge demand for the schools and colleges run by Christian groups, in Adivasis areas and remote areas the work of Swamis is on.

Now the trend is to dump Christian traditions. Since Ramnath Kovind became President, the usual practice of Carol Singers visiting Rashtrapati Bhavan has been stopped. In the army retreat so far ‘Abide with me’ by Scottish poet, Henri Francis Lyte, a Christian song, a favourite of Gandhi, has been dropped. The Christian minorities have perceived the threat in various forms. Currently they are as much part of the protests against CAA, NPR and NRIC as any other community.

While statues and identity issues cannot have primacy over the social development issues, it cannot be selective. To oppose Jesus Christ statue while spending fortunes for other statues is a part of the agenda of RSS combine, which is unfolding itself in various forms. opposition to Jesus Christ statue being yet another step in the direction.

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Ram Puniyani
March 8,2020

They say ‘history repeats itself first as a tragedy and then as a farce’. In case of India, communal violence not only keeps repeating itself, the pattern of the tragedy keeps changing every next time. Some features of the violence are constant, but they are under the wraps mostly. The same can be said about the Delhi violence (February 2020). The interpretations, the causative factors are very discernible, but those who are generally the perpetrators have a knack of shifting the blame on the victim community or those who stand for the victims.

As the carnage began presumably in the aftermath of statement of Kapil Mishra of BJP, which was given in front of a top police official, in which he threatened to get the roads emptied. The roots of violence were sown earlier. The interpretations given by the Hindu Nationalist camp is that the riot is due to the changing demographic profile of the area with Muslims increasing in number in those areas, and coming up of Shaheen Bagh which was presented was like ‘Mini Pakistan’. As per them the policies of BJP in matters of triple talaq, Article 370 and CAA, NPR, NRC has unnerved the ‘radical’ elements and so this violence.

As such before coming to the observations of the activists and scholars of communal violence in India, we can in brief say that violence, in which nearly 46 people have died, include one from police and another from intelligence. Majority victims are Muslims. The violence started right under the nose of the police and the ruling party. From the videos and other eye accounts, police not only looked the other way around, at places it assisted those attacking the innocent victims and burning and looting selective shops. Home minister, Amit Shah, was nowhere on the scene. For first three days the rioters had free run. After the paramilitary force was brought in; the violence simmered and slowly reduced in intensity. The state AAP Government, which in a way is the byproduct of RSS supported Anna Hazare movement, was busy reading Hanuman Chalisa and praying at Rajghat with eyes closed to the mayhem going in parts of Delhi.

Communal violence is the sore point of Indian society. It did begin during colonial period due to British policy of ‘Divide and Rule’. At root cause was the communal view of looking at history and pro active British acts to sow the seeds of Hindu-Muslim divide. At other level the administrative and police the British were fairly neutral. On one hand was the national movement, uniting the people and creating and strengthening the fraternal feeling among all Indians. On the other were Muslim Communalists (Muslim League) and Hindu Communalists (Hindu Mahasabha, RSS) who assisted the British goal of ‘divide and rule’ promoting hatred between the communities. After partition the first major change was the change in attitude of police and administration which started tilting against Muslims. Major studies by Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer, Paul Brass and Omar Khalidi demonstrated that anti Muslim bias is discernible in during and after the riots.

Now the partisan role of police has been visible all through. Sri Krishna Commission report brought forth this fact; as did the research of the Ex DIG of UP police Dr. V.N.Rai. Dr. Rai’s studies also concluded that no communal violence can go on beyond 24 hours unless state administration is complicit in the carnage. In one of the violence, investigation of which was done by concerned Citizen’s team (Dhule, 2013) this author observed that police itself went on to undertake the rampage against Muslims and Muslim properties.

General observation about riots is that violence sounds to be spontaneous, as the Home Minister is pointing out, but as such it is well planned act. Again the violence is orchestrated in such a way that it seems Muslims have begun the riots. Who casts the First stone? To this scholars point out that the carnage is so organized that the encircled community is forced to throw the first stone. At places the pretext is made that ‘they’ (minorities) have thrown the first stone.

The pretexts against minorities are propagated, in Gujarat violence Godhra train burning, in Kandhamal the murder of Swami Laxamannand and now Shaheen bagh! The Hindu Muslim violence began as riots. But it is no more a riot, two sides are not involved. It is plain and simple anti Minority violence, in which some from the majority are also the victims.

This violence is possible as the ‘Hate against this minority’ is now more or less structural. The deeper Hate against Muslims and partly against Christians; has been cultivated since long and Hindu nationalist politics, right from its Shakhas to the social media have been put to use for spreading Hatred. The prevalent deeper hate has been supplanted this time by multiple utterances from BJP leaders, Modi (Can be recognized by clothes), Shah (press EVM machine button so hard that current is felt in Shaheen Bagh), Anurag Thakur (Goli (bullet) Maro) Yogi Aditya Nath (If Boli (Words)Do not work Goli will) and Parvesh Varma (They will be out to rape).

The incidental observation of the whole tragedy is the coming to surface of true colors of AAP, which not only kept mum as the carnage was peaking but also went on to praise the role of police in the whole episode. With Delhi carnage “Goli Maro” seems to be becoming the central slogan of Hindu nationalists. Delhi’s this violence has been the first one in which those getting killed are more due to bullets than by swords or knifes! Leader’s slogans do not go in vain! Courts the protectors of our Constitution seem to be of little help as if one of them like Murlidhar Rao gives the verdict to file against hate mongers, he is immediately transferred.

And lastly let’s recall the academic study of Yale University. It concludes; BJP gains in electoral strength after every riot’. In India the grip of communalism is increasing frighteningly. Efforts are needed to combat Hate and Hate mongers.

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