When top judges say democracy is at stake, media focus on Sunny Leone

Mangaluru, Apr 23: Muslims in coastal Karnataka will fast tomorrow (April 24) along with Middle Eastern Muslims as the Khazis in the region have confirmed the beginning of the blessed month of Ramadan tonight.

Religious authorities in Saudi Arabia and a few Middle Eastern countries have already declared that Friday will be the start of the month of fasting.

In Kerala and twin districts of coastal Karnataka - Dakshina Kannada and Udupi- the announcement was made following maghrib praers as the cresent moon was sighted in a few places in Kerala.

The Thakbeer was pronounced from the minarets of the mosques across Dakshina Kannada and Udupi after Maghrib Namaz as the religious heads confirmed the moon sighting. 

However, the religious heads including Mangaluru Khazi Twaqa Ahmed Musliar and Udupi Khazi Ibrahim Musliyar Bekal, have urged the Muslims to offer all the prayers including Taraveeh at homes along with family members due to the lockdown imposed to prevent the spread of coronavirus. 

There will be no congregational taraveeh prayers in mosques and Muslims should follow the covid-19 guidelines of the government, they stated.

Ramadan begins around 11 days earlier each year. Its start is calculated based on the sighting of the new moon, which marks the beginning of the Muslim lunar month that varies between 29 or 30 days.

During the month, Muslims are expected to abstain during daylight hours from food, drink, smoking and sex to focus on spirituality.

Bengaluru, Jun 29: A 99-year-old woman has successfully recovered from coronavirus in Bengaluru, leaving the medical fraternity and her family elated.

The woman had contracted the pathogen after coming in contact with her grandson and was hospitalised on her 99th birthday on June 18.

The woman was taken to the government Victoria Hospital along with her 70-year-old son, daughter-in-law and grandson.

"While we three developed symptoms like cold, cough and fever, my mother remained asymptomatic," the woman's son said.

The family members are still wondering how they got infected by the virus as all except the woman's grandson, were confined to their home most of the time.

Her 29-year-old grandson was the only one who went out to buy groceries.

Initially, the family approached a private hospital nearby for treatment, but they refused to accept COVID-19 patients.

Left with no option, the family got admitted to the Victoria hospital.

"We had reservations about Victoria hospital, but it turned out be a good one.

We did not spend a penny since the day we were admitted and my mother and son fully recovered," the woman's son said.

According to Dr Asima Banu, nodal officer of the Trauma Care Centre at the Victoria hospital, the woman was reluctant to get treatment at the hospital.

"With moral support from doctors and nurses at the Trauma Care Centre, she recovered very fast. She is always positive in life," the doctor said.

Jan 13: For the first time in years, the government of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi is playing defense. Protests have sprung up across the country against an amendment to India’s laws — which came into effect on Friday — that makes it easier for members of some religions to become citizens of India. The government claims this is simply an attempt to protect religious minorities in the Muslim-majority countries that border India; but protesters see it as the first step toward a formal repudiation of India’s constitutionally guaranteed secularism — and one that must be resisted.

Modi was re-elected prime minister last year with an enhanced majority; his hold over the country’s politics is absolute. The formal opposition is weak, discredited and disorganized. Yet, somehow, the anti-Citizenship Act protests have taken hold. No political party is behind them; they are generally arranged by student unions, neighborhood associations and the like.

Yet this aspect of their character is precisely what will worry Modi and his right-hand man, Home Minister Amit Shah. They know how to mock and delegitimize opposition parties with ruthless efficiency. Yet creating a narrative that paints large, flag-waving crowds as traitors is not quite that easy.

For that is how these protests look: large groups of young people, many carrying witty signs and the national flag. They meet and read the preamble to India’s Constitution, into which the promise of secularism was written in the 1970’s.

They carry photographs of the Constitution’s drafter, the Columbia University-trained economist and lawyer B. R. Ambedkar. These are not the mobs the government wanted. They hoped for angry Muslims rampaging through the streets of India’s cities, whom they could point to and say: “See? We must protect you from them.” But, in spite of sometimes brutal repression, the protests have largely been nonviolent.

One, in Shaheen Bagh in a Muslim-dominated sector of New Delhi, began simply as a set of local women in a square, armed with hot tea and blankets against the chill Delhi winter. It has now become the focal point of a very different sort of resistance than what the government expected. Nothing could cure the delusions of India’s Hindu middle class, trained to see India’s Muslims as dangerous threats, as effectively as a group of otherwise clearly apolitical women sipping sweet tea and sharing their fears and food with anyone who will listen.

Modi was re-elected less than a year ago; what could have changed in India since then? Not much, I suspect, in most places that voted for him and his party — particularly the vast rural hinterland of northern India. But urban India was also possibly never quite as content as electoral results suggested. India’s growth dipped below 5% in recent quarters; demand has crashed, and uncertainty about the future is widespread. Worse, the government’s response to the protests was clearly ill-judged. University campuses were attacked, in one case by the police and later by masked men almost certainly connected to the ruling party.

Protesters were harassed and detained with little cause. The courts seemed uninterested. And, slowly, anger began to grow on social media — not just on Twitter, but also on Instagram, previously the preserve of pretty bowls of salad. Instagram is the one social medium over which Modi’s party does not have a stranglehold; and it is where these protests, with their photogenic signs and flags, have found a natural home. As a result, people across urban India who would never previously have gone to a demonstration or a political rally have been slowly politicized.

India is, in fact, becoming more like a normal democracy. “Normal,” that is, for the 2020’s. Liberal democracies across the world are politically divided, often between more liberal urban centers and coasts, and angrier, “left-behind” hinterlands. Modi’s political secret was that he was that rare populist who could unite both the hopeful cities and the resentful countryside. Yet this once magic formula seems to have become ineffective. Five of India’s six largest cities are not ruled by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party in any case — the financial hub of Mumbai changed hands recently. The BJP has set its sights on winning state elections in Delhi in a few weeks. Which way the capital’s voters will go is uncertain. But that itself is revealing — last year, Modi swept all seven parliamentary seats in Delhi.

In the end, the Citizenship Amendment Act is now law, the BJP might manage to win Delhi, and the protests might die down as the days get unmanageably hot and state repression increases. But urban India has put Modi on notice. His days of being India’s unifier are over: From now on, like all the other populists, he will have to keep one eye on the streets of his country’s cities.