To fight communalism, Left should think of electoral alliances

[email protected] ( Ram Puniyani)
January 13, 2016

CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury, former party General Secretary Prakash Karat, Politburo member Biman Bose and other leaders at the valedictory session of ‘Kolkata Plenum’in Kolkata.

Plenum

After the first general elections in independent India the then Communist Party of India emerged as the biggest opposition party. That was the time when in US McCarthyism was targeting the communists. In India around this time RSS was promising the ruling Congress Government that they will help the Government to eliminate the menace of Communism. This also has the backdrop of the writings of the major ideologue of RSS, M.S. Golwalkar. Golwalkar, writing in his book, ‘Bunch of Thoughts’, clubbed Communists along with Muslims and Christians, as being three ‘internal threats’ to Hindu nation.

As matters have changed over a period of time; in the last Lok Sabha elections (2014) BJP emerged as the largest single party and is ruling the country with motley combination called NDA. As such essentially it is the BJP which is calling the shots as a part of the agenda of its parent organization, the RSS. The last Lok Sabha results were a big setback to the parliamentary left which suffered a massive decline. It is in this context that the proceedings of the plenum and the Congress (April 2015) of the largest Left party in India, CPM, assume a great significance.

Prakash Karat, the previous General Secretary of the party gives us a glimpse of what transpired there and what CPM plans to do in the times to come. Karat’s article, ‘Winning back the people’ (IE, 7th Jan, 2016) summarises the themes, which according to the party are the major threat to Indian democracy and how CPM intends to combat it. While many a deliberations sound like a breath of fresh air and shows a resolve to engage with changing times, to connect to people, middle classes and marginalised sections in a more engaging ways, its analysis of the politics of communalism undermines one major aspect of the dynamics of communalism, and that is related to electoral politics.

Karat points out correctly that ‘there is a misconception that communalism means defeating BJP in elections,’ this is eminently true but what follows this sentence shows that CPM is underestimating the role of electoral politics, role of BJP being in power for BJP. This becomes clear when he says that ‘Electoral defeats do not necessarily weaken and isolate communal forces’. The point of continuous ongoing struggle against communal forces is very relevant and crucial for protection of democratic ethos, but one has to wake up to the fact that electoral success for BJP has given communal forces a big ‘lift’ every time BJP comes to power. The electoral defeat similarly weakens the communal agenda. To begin with the latter, lets hypothetically assume BJP had won in Bihar assembly 2015, would that have strengthened communalism or not?

Today’s clout of RSS agenda has been contributed a lot due to BJP being in power earlier in 1998 and now in 2014. While communal agenda operates at multiple social, educational levels, it also operates by infiltrating into state apparatus, into bureaucracy and police in particular. It also has an agenda of working through education and media apart from other cultural mechanisms. One concedes that these aspects of RSS agenda were operational even before 1996 and then 1998 when BJP came to power at the Center. The point is; once they occupy the seats of direct political power they facilitate the activities of the BJP associates, which are mistakenly called fringe elements, as they are the inalienable part of RSS scheme of things, as they are part of ‘division of labor’ within the Hindutva umbrella.

Even in the earlier BJP led NDA regime, we saw the regressive saffronisation of education amongst other components of communal agenda, out in the open. With Modi Sarkar coming to power in May 2014, Karat can perceive the qualitative leap in the divisive agenda of Hindu nationalism. Since May 2014, the march of this agenda has become more intimidating and stifling. It is this intensity of communal politics, which led to the ‘Award Wapasi’ by the eminent citizens. We do need to recall that with the formation of Janata Party in 1977, three cabinet ministers were inducted in the cabinet from the previous avatar of BJP, the Jansangh. What is clear is that with that the process in which the RSS cadres or sympathizers come to occupy a space in media and education apart from other social intuitions, became more dominant then before.

From May 2014, Karat needs to recall as to how systematically the institutions of national importance are being occupied by those who are believers of Hindu nationalism (FTTI, National Book Trust among others). Efforts have been made to intensify the communal campaigns around beef eating, love jihad and ghar wapasi. The sharpness of anti-Pakistan hysteria became intense even before Pathankot terrorist attack took place.

One welcomes the innovative thinking comrades are having, but this initiative has to be supplanted by an additional goal of ensuring that communal forces are kept away from the seats of power. This realisation should make the CPM and other parliamentary left recall as to how left was able to act as the force; which tried to keep the ruling Congress in UPA I on track as, as they could influence many a policies. Today also there is a need for the left to learn from what non-party secular groups and individual have contributed to the anti-communal struggle. Be it the struggle for defense of minority rights in Gujarat or Kandhamal for example, or be it the programs to reach the secular understanding to the people at large or be it the cultural initiatives to promote the diversity and pluralism, all these have contributed to the resistance against communal onslaught.

Cultural initiatives promoting pluralism and harmony have to be part of the struggle against the sectarian mindset and divisive stereotypes which have become part of the social common sense. While taking up the issues of marginalized sections, the issues of religious minorities need to be underlined. The attempt to address women’s issues, issues related to caste, Adivasis and other marginalised sections on regular basis are welcome with a proviso that Left also needs to become an important player in electoral battles to ensure that those taking oath in the name of Hindu nationalism are confronted at electoral level as well as electoral victories enhance the clout of communalism in a very strong measure. That also means that left has to think of electoral alliances which ensure that the votaries of Indian nationalism, despite some of their shortcoming are supported and allied with. This can be a major departure from what left parties have been practising so far.

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Ram Puniyani
July 20,2020

As Covid 19 has created havoc all rounds, the rulers of certain countries are using it to further intensify their set agendas. The democratic freedoms are being curtailed in certain forms, the reaction to which has come in America in the form of a campaign, which is opposing “stifling” cultural climate that is imposing “ideological conformity” and weakening “norms of open debate and toleration of differences”. In India similar intimidations have been intensified. In addition the occasion has been used by the sectarian forces first to link the spread of Corona to Muslim community and now in the name of reducing the burden of curriculum certain chapters on core concepts related to Indian nationalism are being deleted from the text books.

It has been reported that chapters on federalism, citizenship, nationalism, secularism, Human Rights, Legal Aid and Local Self Government and the like are being dropped. Education has been an important area for communal forces and they constantly keep saying that leftists have dominated the curriculum content, it suffers from the impact of Macaulay, Marx and Mohammad and so needs to be Indianized. The first such attempt was done when BJP came to power in 1998 as NDA and had Murli Manohar Joshi as the MHRD minister. He brought the changes which were termed as ‘saffronization of education’. Their focus is more on social science. Some of the highlights of this were introduction of subjects like Astrology and Paurohitya, and chapters defending caste system, nationalism of the type of Hitler was praised.

With defeat of NDA in 2004, the UPA did try to rectify some of these distortions. Again after 2014 the RSS affiliates working in the area of education have been active, interacting with MHRD officials to impress upon them the need to change the curriculum matching with their Hindu nationalist agenda. Its ‘Shiksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas’ has been asking for removal of English, Urdu words in the texts. It has asked for removal of thoughts of Rabindranath Tagore on Nationalism, extracts of autobiography of M F Husain, references to benevolence of Muslim rulers, references to BJP being Hindu party, apology of Dr. Manmohan Singh for anti Sikh pogrom of 1984, the reference to killings of Gujarat carnage in 2002 among others. This they call as Bhartiykaran of syllabus.

As RSS is a multithreaded hydra one of its pracharak Dinanath Batra has set up ‘Shiksha Bachao Abhiyan Samiti’ which has been pressurizing various publishers to drop the books which are not conforming to their ideology. One recalls their pressuring withdrawal of Wendy Doniger’s ‘The Hindus’, as it does present the ancient India through the concerns of dalits and women. Mr. Batra has already come out with a set of nine books for school curriculum, giving the RSS view of the past and RSS understanding of social sciences. These have already been translated into Gujarati and thousands of the sets of these books are being used in Gujarat Schools.

The present step of deleting parts of curriculum which gives the basics of Indian Nationalism, secularism and human rights is a further step in the same direction. These are the topics which have made the Hindu nationalists uncomfortable during last few years. They have been defaming secularism. They removed it from the preamble of Indian constitution, when they put out an ad on the eve of Republic day in 2015. From last few decades since the Ram Temple movement was brought up, simultaneously the secular ethos of India’s freedom movement and secular values of Indian constitution have been constantly criticized. Many an RSS ideologues and BJP leaders have been asking for change of Indian Constitution for this very reason.

Secularism is part of the concept of Indian nationalism. In the name of religious nationalism, sectarian divisive nationalism they have been attacking various student leaders in particular. When we study Nationalism, the very genesis of Indian nationalism tells us the plurality of our freedom movement with its anti colonial roots. The struggle was for Indian nationalism and so the Muslims and Hindu communalists kept aloof from this great struggle against colonial masters, it was this struggle which built the Indian nation with all its diversity.

Similarly as we have equal rights as citizens the chapters on citizenship are being dropped. Federalism has been the core part of India’s administrative and political structure. As the dictatorial tendencies are becoming stronger, federalism is bound to suffer and that explains the dropping of this subject. Democracy is decentralization of power. Power reaching the lowermost part of the system, the villages and average citizens. This got reflected in Local self Government. The power is distributed among villages, cities, state and center. By removing chapters on federalism and local self government, the indications of the ideology of ruling party are on display.

While we are not dealing with all the portents of the planned omissions, one more aspect that related to dropping of chapter on Human rights needs our attention. The concept of Human rights and dignity are interlinked. This concept of Human rights also has international ramifications. India is signatory to many an UN covenants related to Human rights. The indications are clear that now rights will be for the few elite and ‘duties’ for the large deprived sections will be put on the forefront.

In a way this incidental ‘Corona gifted opportunity’ to the ruling Government is being fully used to enhance the agenda of ruling party in the arena of Educational Curriculum. The part of curriculum with which the ruling party is uncomfortable is being removed. This act of omission does supplement their other acts of commission in changing the shape of educational curriculum, which are reflected in RSS affiliates’ suggestions to MHRD regarding Bhartiyakaran of contents of syllabus. As per this the things like regarding the great epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata as History, the things like India having all the stem cell technology, plastic surgery, aviation science etc. will have a place in the changes planned by communal forces!

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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