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Kasaragod, Apr 19: Kasaragod, Kerala's COVID-19 hotspot, is the only district in the southern state lacking adequate health infrastructure.

In spite of treating the highest number of COVID-19 patients in the state with meagre infrastructural facilities and even without the support of a medical college in the north Kerala district, no deaths have been reported due to coronavirus.

The state health department views the performance of M Kunhiraman and his team, consisting of Janardhana Naik and Krishna Naik, at the General hospital in Kasaragod as a success story.

"Not only did they control the situation quickly with minimum infrastructure, they also started turning out a large number of negative cases within a few weeks and creditably ensured zero mortality.

This can be showcased as a best global model," Chairman of the Information Education and Communication (IEC) Committee and Project Director Kerala State Aids Control Society, R Ramesh said.

Recalling the ordeal, Janardhana Naik said his first major challenge was the physical examination of a patient with suspected COVID-19.

"Even with the PPE kit, nobody knew how effective they were and it took a whole 30 minutes to wear them properly.

But as time passed, we got accustomed to it," he said.

The traditional method of dealing with a patient involved knowing his or her history, observation and physical examination.

For hundreds of years, the hands-on body approach has been the soul of the doctor-patient relationship -- taking the pulse, tapping on and listening to the chest, feeling lumps.

With the onset of COVID-19 all that has changed.

"In fact, the whole exercise was fraught with grave risks because everything connected with COVID-19 was new.

Doctors have to keep a distance even though the physical examination wearing a Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) is difficult.

Sounds from the body are inaudible, vision is blurred through the smog-covered goggles and a stethoscope seldom has any use," Janardhana Naik said.

It was from March 15 that the hospital started receiving COVID-19 patients, primarily from Dubai.

By the time the first person came, the hospital was ready for him.

Soon, patient numbers began to swell and in a couple of weeks they reached about 91.

From then on, it was teamwork.

Committees were formed for each and every task, including the help desk, IT, treatment, medical board, training, food, waste disposal and data maintenance.

Initially, patients had many misgivings about the hospital.

"Some were disillusioned and even aggressive. Some were not happy with the facilities the hospital had to offer.

But gradually through good treatment and counselling by a psychiatrist, who visited the hospital on alternate days, the confidence and mood of the patients changed and they became friendly with the staff," Naik elaborated.

Counselling was also given to the concerned family members of the patients.

Besides treatment, the medical staff had to spend a considerable amount of time clearing the doubts of patients.

When they got discharged some patients insisted on seeing the faces of the medical staff, who till then were anonymous entities covered from head to toe.

Some even wanted to take selfies with them.

However, the medical team politely turned down their requests and preferred to remain hidden in their work attires.

The mood of the patients also rubbed off on the doctors and hospital staff.

All the physicians and hospital staff are now more confident of dealing with contagious diseases after treating COVID-19 patients.

"Our previous experience of treating H1N1, Chikungunya and Dengue cases helped us a lot.

Words of encouragement from the Health Minister K K Shailaja, Health Principal Secretary Dr Rajan N Khobragade and Health Services Director Dr Sarita R L gave us the impetus to build up confidence.

Moreover, the field health workers did a wonderful job in containing the viral spread," Naik added.

As the number of coronavirus cases rose, the state government on April 5 deputed a 26-member medical team from Thiruvananthapuram to set up a COVID-19 hospital in the district.

They turned a block of the under construction Government Medical College as a hospital-like facility, setting up a 200 bed facility to treat coronavirus patients.

Mandya, Jun 13: Degree colleges will begin classes after the lockdown is lifted and dates for examinations will be announced later, said deputy chief minister CR Ashwath Narayan on Friday.

Speaking at College of Agriculture, Mandya (VC Farm) on Friday, Ashwath Narayan said the lockdown will be completely phased out on June 30 and degree colleges will begin classes after that. “We will speak with all stakeholders to chalk out measures as to how to reopen degree colleges amidst coronavirus scare. All students must continue their studies and be prepared for exams,” he said.

Narayan said the cabinet has approved to upgrade VC Farm as a university and an ordinance will soon be promulgated in this regard. “There is a need to change the present curriculum to meet present day requirements. VC Farm will be made into a world class agriculture university and a vice chancellor will be appointed,” he said.

“Apart from traditional education, we must concentrate on skill-based education as it should create more job opportunities. We are committed to establish more skill-based educational institutes in Mandya district,” Narayan said.

Later Narayan visited Shivaragudda near Maddur and inspected 48 acres of government land which could be used for establishing skill-based education institutions. “This land was earlier used for imparting skill-based education in a collaboration with Denmark. Sir M Visvesvaraya had established skill-based institutions here in 1923 and now they have become defunct. The then prime minister of Denmark had inaugurated this century old institution. We will revive it and this will help local youths,” he said.

‘Ticket promised only to R Shankar’

When asked, Narayan said R Shankar, who quit the Congress-JD(S) coalition and joined BJP will be given a party ticket to contest the legislative council election. “Except Shankar, the high command did not promise council tickets to those who quit congress and JD(S) and joined our party. It is true that there is hectic lobbying in BJP to get tickets,” he said.

In the beginning of January 2020 two very disturbing events were reported from Pakistan. One was the attack on Nankana Sahib, the holy shrine where Sant Guru Nanak was born. While one report said that the place has been desecrated, the other stated that it was a fight between two Muslim groups. Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan condemned the incident and the main accused Imran Chisti was arrested. The matter related to abduction and conversion of a Sikh girl Jagjit Kaur, daughter of Pathi (One who reads Holy Guru Granth Sahib in Gurudwara) of the Gurudwara. In another incident one Sikh youth Ravinder Singh, who was out on shopping for his marriage, was shot dead in Peshawar.

While these condemnable attacks took place on the Sikh minority in Pakistan, BJP was quick enough to jump to state that it is events like this which justify the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Incidentally CAA is the Act which is discriminatory and relates to citizenship with Religion, which is not as per the norms of Indian constitution. There are constant debates and propaganda that population of Hindus has come down drastically in Pakistan and Bangla Desh. Amit Shah, the Home minister stated that in Pakistan the population of Hindus has come down from 23% at the time of partition to 3.7% at present. And in Bangla Desh it has come down from 22% to present 8%.

While not denying the fact that the religious minorities are getting a rough deal in both these countries, the figures which are presented are totally off the mark. These figures don’t take into consideration the painful migrations, which took place at the time of partition and formation of Bangla Desh later. Pakistan census figures tell a different tale. Their first census was held in 1951. As per this census the overall percentage of Non Muslim in Pakistan (East and West together) was 14.2%, of this in West Pakistan (Now Pakistan) it was 3.44 and in Eat Pakistan it was 23.2. In the census held in Pakistan 1998 it became 3.72%. As far as Bangla Desh is concerned the share of Non Muslims has gone down from 23.2 (1951) to 9.6% in 2011.

The largest minority of Pakistan is Ahmadis, (https://minorityrights.org/country/pakistan/) who are close to 4 Million and are not recognised as Muslims in Pakistan. In Bangla Desh the major migrations of Hindus from Bangla Desh took place in the backdrop of Pakistan army’s atrocities in the then East Pakistan.

As far as UN data on refugees in India it went up by 17% between 2016-2019 and largest numbers were from Tibet and Sri Lanka.  (https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publication…)

The state of minorities is in a way the index of strength of democracy. Most South Asian Countries have not been able to sustain democratic values properly. In Pakistan, the Republic began with Jinnah’s classic speech where secularism was to be central credo of Pakistan. This 11th August speech was in a way what the state policy should be, as per which people of all faiths are free to practice their religion. Soon enough the logic of ‘Two Nation theory” and formation of Pakistan, a separate state for Muslim took over. Army stepped in and dictatorship was to reign there intermittently. Democratic elements were suppressed and the worst came when Zia Ul Haq Islamized the state in collusion with Maulanas. The army was already a strong presence in Pakistan. The popular formulation for Pakistan was that it is ruled by three A’s, Army, America and Allah (Mullah).

Bangla Desh had a different trajectory. Its very formation was a nail in the coffin of ‘two nation theory’; that religion can be the basis of a state. Bangla Desh did begin as a secular republic but communal forces and secular forces kept struggling for their dominance and in 1988 it also became Islamic republic. At another level Myanmar, in the grip of military dictatorship, with democratic elements trying to retain their presence is also seeing a hard battle. Democracy or not, the army and Sanghas (Buddhist Sang has) are strong, in Myanmar as well. The most visible result is persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

Similar phenomenon is dominating in Sri Lanka also where Budhhist Sanghas and army have strong say in the political affairs, irrespective of which Government is ruling. Muslim and Christian minorities are a big victim there, while Tamils (Hindus, Christians etc.) suffered the biggest damage as ethnic and religious minorities. India had the best prospect of democracy, pluralism and secularism flourishing here. The secular constitution, the outcome of India’s freedom struggle, the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru did ensure the rooting of democracy and secularism in a strong way.

India so far had best democratic credentials amongst all the south Asian countries. Despite that though the population of minorities rose mainly due to poverty and illiteracy, their overall marginalisation was order of the day, it went on worsening with the rise of communal forces, with communal forces resorting to identity issues, and indulging in propaganda against minorities.

While other South Asian countries should had followed India to focus more on infrastructure and political culture of liberalism, today India is following the footsteps of Pakistan. The retrograde march of India is most visible in the issues which have dominated the political space during last few years. Issues like Ram Temple, Ghar Wapasi, Love Jihad, Beef-Cow are now finding their peak in CAA.

India’s reversal towards a polity with religion’s identity dominating the political scene was nicely presented by the late Pakistani poetess Fahmida Riaz in her poem, Tum bhi Hum Jaise Nikle (You also turned out to be like us). While trying to resist communal forces has been an arduous task, it is becoming more difficult by the day. This phenomenon has been variously called, Fundamentalism, Communalism or religious nationalism among others. Surely it has nothing to do with the religion as practiced by the great Saint and Sufi traditions of India; it resorts mainly to political mobilization by using religion as a tool.