PFI leader among two arrested in RSS worker Sharath murder case

Bengaluru, Mar 31: Ten persons who were under home quarantine in Bengaluru and had escaped to their native places, were arrested on Monday.
A case has been registered against them at Gurmitkal Police Station, said BH Anil Kumar, Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagar Palike (BBMP) Commissioner.

Seven new COVID-19 cases were confirmed in Karnataka between Saturday 5 pm and Sunday 2 pm.

The total number of positive cases in the state stands at 83, out of which five have been cured and three have lost their lives, according to the Karnataka Health Department.

Belagavi, Mar 16: Despite issuing an order banning large gathering, including lavish weddings, Karnataka Chief Minister B.S. Yediyurappa attended the grand marriage celebrations of the daughter of BJP MLC Mahantesh Kavatagimath in Belagavi on Sunday.

The Chief Minister had advised people to postpone weddings till the COVID-19 scare passed off, or to restrict the number of guests to around 100. But the wedding on the lawns of Shagun gardens in the Udyambag industrial area in Belagavi had many more times the number of visitors.

A police officer on duty at the venue estimated the crowd to be over 3,000.

The large gathering was in clear defiance of the government order and the Chief Minister’s appeal. But Mr. Yediyurappa’s presence seems to have vindicated this act.

Hundreds of cars were parked on both sides of the Khanapur road, outside the venue which was decorated with flowers, buntings, rolls of paper and colourful cloth. Two huge banners about preventing the spread of COVID-19 have been put up at the venue. There are wash basins at two ends and several hand sanitiser counters across the ground.

Apart from Union Minister of State for Railways Suresh Angadi, and ministers Srimanth Patil and MLA Mahesh Kumthalli, there were several leaders from the BJP, the Congress and the JD(S) who attended the marriage. There were some officers from the city corporation and district administration among the guests.

The Chief Minister arrived around 11 a.m. and stayed for nearly an hour at the venue. He left after wishing the couple and greeting some leaders.

On his arrival, at the Sambra airport, Mr. Yediyurappa said the State was well-equipped to handle the spread of the infection. “Over one lakh have been tested. Among the 100 suspected cases, the virus was detected only in six persons. One person has died. But otherwise the situation is under control. Officers are working round the clock,’’ he said.

Mar 3: Just hours after the ending of a week-long “reduction” in violence that was crucial for Donald Trump’s peace deal in Afghanistan, the Taliban struck again: On Monday, they killed three people and injured about a dozen at a football match in Khost province. This resumption of violence will not surprise anyone actually invested in peace for that troubled country. The point of the U.S.-Taliban deal was never peace. It was to try and cover up an ignominious exit for the U.S., driven by an election-bound president who feels no responsibility toward that country or to the broader region.

Seen from South Asia, every point we know about in the agreement is a concession by Trump to the Taliban. Most importantly, it completes a long-term effort by the U.S. to delegitimize the elected government in Kabul — and, by extension, Afghanistan’s constitution. Afghanistan’s president is already balking at releasing 5,000 Taliban prisoners before intra-Afghan talks can begin — a provision that his government did not approve.

One particularly cringe-worthy aspect: The agreement refers to the Taliban throughout  as “the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan that is not recognized by the United States as a state and is known as the Taliban.” This unwieldy nomenclature validates the Taliban’s claim to be a government equivalent to the one in Kabul, just not the one recognised at the moment by the U.S. When read together with the second part of the agreement, which binds the U.S. to not “intervene in [Afghanistan’s] domestic affairs,” the point is obvious: The Taliban is not interested in peace, but in ensuring that support for its rivals is forbidden, and its path to Kabul is cleared.

All that the U.S. has effectively gotten in return is the Taliban’s assurance that it will not allow the soil of Afghanistan to be used against the “U.S. and its allies.” True, the U.S. under Trump has shown a disturbing willingness to trust solemn assurances from autocrats; but its apparent belief in promises made by a murderous theocratic movement is even more ridiculous. Especially as the Taliban made much the same promise to an Assistant Secretary of State about Osama bin Laden while he was in the country plotting 9/11.

Nobody in the region is pleased with this agreement except for the Taliban and their backers in the Pakistani military. India has consistently held that the legitimate government in Kabul must be the basic anchor of any peace plan. Ordinary Afghans, unsurprisingly, long for peace — but they are, by all accounts, deeply skeptical about how this deal will get them there. The brave activists of the Afghan Women’s Network are worried that intra-Afghan talks will take place without adequate representation of the country’s women — who have, after all, the most to lose from a return to Taliban rule.

But the Pakistani military establishment is not hiding its glee. One retired general tweeted: “Big victory for Afghan Taliban as historic accord signed… Forced Americans to negotiate an accord from the position of parity. Setback for India.” Pakistan’s army, the Taliban’s biggest backer, longs to re-install a friendly Islamist regime in Kabul — and it has correctly estimated that, after being abandoned by Trump, the Afghan government will have sharply reduced bargaining power in any intra-Afghan peace talks. A deal with the Taliban that fails also to include its backers in the Pakistani military is meaningless.

India, meanwhile, will not see this deal as a positive for regional peace or its relationship with the U.S. It comes barely a week after Trump’s India visit, which made it painfully clear that shared strategic concerns are the only thing keeping the countries together. New Delhi remembers that India is not, on paper, a U.S. “ally.” In that respect, an intensification of terrorism targeting India, as happened the last time the U.S. withdrew from the region, would not even be a violation of Trump’s agreement. One possible outcome: Over time the government in New Delhi, which has resolutely sought to keep its ties with Kabul primarily political, may have to step up security cooperation. Nobody knows where that would lead.

The irresponsible concessions made by the U.S. in this agreement will likely disrupt South Asia for years to come, and endanger its own relationship with India going forward. But worst of all, this deal abandons those in Afghanistan who, under the shadow of war, tried to develop, for the first time, institutions that work for all Afghans. No amount of sanctimony about “ending America’s longest war” should obscure the danger and immorality of this sort of exit.