Thackeray raising border issue to divert attention from internal disputes: C T Ravi

Mangaluru, May 5: As many as 7,119 labourers, who were stranded in Dakshina Kannada district, were sent to their native places in buses operated by KSRTC’s Mangaluru and Puttur divisions.

After the announcement of lockdown, the stranded labourers were provided shelter in various halls, Town Hall and government hostels in the district.

The stranded labourers from Kuloor, Panjimogaru, Panambur, Baikampady, Yeyyadi, Mulki, Ullal, Bunder, Hoige Bazar and from taluk centres, who wished to take up farming activities in their villages, were sent back in KSRTC and private buses. As many as 266 buses were engaged for ferrying the labourers.

The labourers underwent health check-up prior to their departure to their native villages, Deputy Commissioner Sindhu B Rupesh said.

Belagavi, Mar 16: Despite issuing an order banning large gathering, including lavish weddings, Karnataka Chief Minister B.S. Yediyurappa attended the grand marriage celebrations of the daughter of BJP MLC Mahantesh Kavatagimath in Belagavi on Sunday.

The Chief Minister had advised people to postpone weddings till the COVID-19 scare passed off, or to restrict the number of guests to around 100. But the wedding on the lawns of Shagun gardens in the Udyambag industrial area in Belagavi had many more times the number of visitors.

A police officer on duty at the venue estimated the crowd to be over 3,000.

The large gathering was in clear defiance of the government order and the Chief Minister’s appeal. But Mr. Yediyurappa’s presence seems to have vindicated this act.

Hundreds of cars were parked on both sides of the Khanapur road, outside the venue which was decorated with flowers, buntings, rolls of paper and colourful cloth. Two huge banners about preventing the spread of COVID-19 have been put up at the venue. There are wash basins at two ends and several hand sanitiser counters across the ground.

Apart from Union Minister of State for Railways Suresh Angadi, and ministers Srimanth Patil and MLA Mahesh Kumthalli, there were several leaders from the BJP, the Congress and the JD(S) who attended the marriage. There were some officers from the city corporation and district administration among the guests.

The Chief Minister arrived around 11 a.m. and stayed for nearly an hour at the venue. He left after wishing the couple and greeting some leaders.

On his arrival, at the Sambra airport, Mr. Yediyurappa said the State was well-equipped to handle the spread of the infection. “Over one lakh have been tested. Among the 100 suspected cases, the virus was detected only in six persons. One person has died. But otherwise the situation is under control. Officers are working round the clock,’’ he said.

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.