Is there a Legal recourse for #MeToo victims?

Advocate P Anu Chengappa
October 30, 2018

While #MeToo campaign victims are being hailed for coming out in public against their perpetrators, many of them are being viewed with a tinge of suspicion by the society. Why are they complaining now? Is it for publicity? Is it political? 

Unfortunately, many more such questions are being raised behind curtains indirectly vouching for the culprits’ action. This kind of attitude has bolstered culprits to drag the victims to the court. In that case, what chances do the victims will have especially if they do not have any proofs to back up their allegation? How does the law come to the rescue of these victims? Should the victims fight it out in the social media or knock the doors of the court? Recently, news media reported that even Supreme Court declined the 'urgent hearing' of MeToo petitions.

The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, could be a relief for the #MeToo victims to reclaim their dignity and pride.
 
Society for generations has been governed by patriarchal mindsets treating a woman like chattel owned by a man, at his beck and call, with no sense of individuality. Girls have been brought up to tolerate and remain silent.  The occasional few who did dare to venture out in pursuit of their dreams were branded deviant.  A woman venturing out to work was acceptable only if it was inevitable for her to contribute to the family income. If she complained about her work environment, she would be told to quit or adjust for the sake of the family income. Invariably she would be blamed for putting herself in situations. The only choice for a woman was to stay mum if she wanted a career. It is this inevitability and vulnerability of women that made them easy victims of harassment at workplace.  

It was accepted as a necessary evil to cope with rather than complain. But it is only in the 1990s that the concept of ‘sexual harassment at workplace’ came to be recognised and finally found a formal mention in the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women, 1992 (CEDAW) which was ratified by India in 1993.  However, no legislation was promulgated to fulfill this international obligation. 

It is then that the Supreme Court of India stepped in to fill in the lacuna by pronouncing guidelines to prevent and redress sexual harassment at workplace in the landmark case of Vishaka Vs. State of Rajasthan in 1997.  

The Constitutional mandate lies in Article 14 (right to equality and equal treatment), Article 15 (not to be discriminated by gender), Article 19(1)(g) (Right to work) and Article 21 (Right to livelihood and to dignity and privacy at workplace). 

Understanding the urgency and seriousness involved, the Supreme Court made it mandatory for every workplace private, public or the unorganized sector, to follow these guidelines till legislation was promulgated.  However, not many employers took the issue seriously despite warnings and deadlines from court.  It is only in 2013 that these guidelines crystallized in the form of the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act.
 
So, what exactly is this Act?

The emphasis of this law is on “prevention” and the onus is on the employer to draft a sexual harassment policy, set up an Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) and create awareness amongst employees regarding the same.  “Protection” of women employees is the next mandatory obligation of the employer by creating a safe and comfortable work environment. If there is a proved incident of harassment, it is the duty of the employer to ensure that necessary action is initiated against the perpetrator according to service rules or as otherwise prescribed in the harassment policy.  

If a workplace does not have an ICC or the complaint is against the employer himself, such complaints may be considered by the Local Complaints Committee set up by the district administration.

Sexual harassment need not be physical only, it could be any verbal or nonverbal conduct that is unwelcome and uncomfortable for a woman.  The aggrieved woman endures a lot of trauma and emotional upheaval.  For some it may take a few days, for others it may take months or years to even accept the fact that she has been harassed and then more time to muster the courage to complain. Such being the situation it is very unlikely that there will be hardcore evidence to prove her case.

Further, witnesses may not be forthcoming for various reasons.  Considering these ground realities, it is presumed in law that when a woman complains of sexual harassment, she is speaking the truth and the perpetrator is considered to be guilty till he proves his innocence. 

Law mandates that the aggrieved woman must complain within 3 months from the date of the incident and only in exceptional cases the ICC may condone the delay beyond 3 months. 

The emphasis of the law is to make the victim comfortable and confident throughout the process.  So, it is mandatory that the ICC should be headed by a woman and not less than half the committee should be women. Immediate interim reliefs may be recommended by the ICC.  These include leave from work up to 3 months (in addition to the leave she is otherwise entitled to), ensuring immediate medical or psychiatric help for her if required, transferring the perpetrator or the victim to another branch upon such request by the victim.  If the victim is not in a position to complain in person, a family member or friend can complain on her behalf.  

At every stage strict confidentiality has to be maintained. The identity of neither the victim not the perpetrator should be disclosed to anyone and a member of the ICC can be penalized or removed if found to have violated this mandate.  

Before initiating enquiry, on the request of the victim, efforts may be made towards conciliation.  If the perpetrator apologizes “to the satisfaction of the woman” or some other terms and conditions are mutually agreed upon and she does not wish to proceed further, the matter may be closed as amicably settled.

In an enquiry the emphasis is on understanding whether the alleged action was ‘unwelcome’ to the victim.  The requirement is to get into the shoe of the victim and understand her situation and feeling.  The apex court has mandated that women should not be treated as a class for what is acceptable for one may not be acceptable to another.  

Enquiry has to be completed within 90 days and if the harassment amounts to an offence under the Indian Penal Code (IPC), simultaneously a complaint may be registered with the police which will be an investigation independent of the ICC proceeding and vice versa. 

If the victim is a minor, action can also be initiated under the Prevention of Child Sexual Offences Act (POCSO).  Once the ICC gives its recommendation, it is the duty of the employer to implement it.  Action can be initiated under the service rules of the accused.  It could range from withholding promotion or bonus to transfer to even removal from service depending on the gravity of the act.  In addition the ICC can also recommend payment of damages and compensation to the victim by the perpetrator which will be deducted from his salary or directly paid by him by the victim.

Though the tenor of the law is to protect and support women, there are sufficient riders to ensure against misuse.  If conciliation is reached, there is a specific prohibition on any monetary component in such settlement.  

Further, if it is found that if the complaint is false or if a witness has made false statements or false evidence has been created, appropriate punishment will be meted out to such complainant or witness.

After enactment of the 2013 legislation most organisations and institutions have adhered to the mandate and have been implementing their obligations in POSH (Prevention of Sexual Harassment) cases. Since confidentiality is maintained at all levels, most of these cases are not within public domain.

But the ongoing ‘Me Too’ campaign throws up a pertinent question as to whether confidentiality itself could become counterproductive to the object of the law with non-disclosure serving as an encouragement to the perpetrator.  As the saying goes “Sunshine is the best disinfectant.” If the victim wants to come out in the open in a bid to expose such perpetrators especially those ensconced in the higher echelons of power who but for such media glare would dust off or trivialize the issue, is confidentiality really needed. Defamation is a handy tool for the perpetrator to gag public exposure. 

However, if truth of the allegation is proved, action for defamation stands defeated and in fact could become a counterproductive handle for initiation of a counter defamation action by the victim.  If no charges are proved in an IPC offence, the perpetrator can initiate a proceeding for malicious prosecution against the complainant.

Sexual harassment law in India is specific in protecting women; however, the accused may be a man or a woman. In fact organisations are adopting gender neutral sexual harassment policies understanding that men could also be equally vulnerable. 

As more skeletons tumble out we seem to be evolving towards new paradigms of workplace gender equality, crystallizing laws and procedures to suit emerging situations.  Crux being that sexual harassment in the workplace is no longer an issue to be swept under the carpet.

(The author is an advocate and the Secretary of Karnataka State Bar Council Sexual Harassment Redressal Committee)

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News Network
February 17,2020

New Delhi, Feb 17: The Congress high command is likely to announce the party’s key troubleshooter in Karnataka, DK Shivakumar as the next state unit president with MB Patil as the working president, according to party leaders who spoke on condition of anonymity, in what could be a delicate balancing act between competing caste claims in the state..

Former CM S Siddaramaiah is likely to continue as the Congress Legislature Party leader, the leaders added.

The KPCC presidentship has been vacant ever since the incumbent Dinesh Gundu Rao resigned following the defeat in the bypolls, in which the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) won 12 of the 15 seats, ensuring a majority for itself in the state assembly.

The state leadership issue became contentious following that, with Shivakumar, a Vokkaliga, lobbying to ensure that his role as party’s main go-to man during difficult times be rewarded, the leaders cited above said. Patil, a former home minister and a Lingayat leader, was the favoured choice of Siddaramaiah, they added.

A former minister in the Siddaramiah cabinet told HT on condition of anonymity the appointment was now “just a formality”.

“How long could the current uncertainty continue? Shivakumar is a go-getter who can also help generate funds for the party. For instance, on the Bidar school sedition issue, we were late and started an agitation only after the accused got bail. With Shivakumar at the helm, we will be more aggressive and able to put the BJP government on a mat by highlighting all their omissions and commissions,” the former minister added.

The decision to appoint Shivakumar -- a seven-term MLA who served in the cabinets of former CMs S Bangarappa, SM Krishna, Siddaramiah and HD Kumaraswamy -- is likely to be a controversial one. He faces ongoing income tax and Enforcement Directorate (ED) probes, is currently on bail after being jailed by the ED in a money laundering case. He

In his 2018 poll affidavit, Shivakumar declared assets worth Rs 840 crore, making him one of the richest politicians in the state. His brother DK Suresh is a two term parliamentarian and is the sitting MP from the Bangalore Rural constituency.

Shivakumar’s latest move to build the world’s largest Christ statue in his constituency in Kanakapura has also come in for severe attack from Sangh Parivar outfits, who claim the land he donated was government-owned and illegally usurped by him.

Political analyst Manjunath said that Shivakumar, if appointed, is likely to inject a great degree of dynamism into the functioning of the party.

“He sees himself as a future Chief Minister and is very ambitious. If the appointments are confirmed, it will only vindicate the fact that the party high command has tried to balance caste interests by having a Vokkilga, a Lingayat and a Kuruba – the three leading castes in the state - heading different parts of the party. Also since the BJP is making a concerted effort to break into the Vokkaliga votebank, nominating Shivakumar would be a smart move to consolidate the community behind the party,” he said.

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News Network
March 15,2020

Bengaluru, Mar 15: Amid growing coronavirus cases, the Karnataka government on Sunday postponed examinations of class 7, 8 and 9 till March 31, 2020.

The revised dates for examinations will be announced after reviewing the situation. The directive was issued by state education minister S Suresh Kumar on Sunday morning.

On Friday, the government had shut all educational institutions, malls, and clubs for a week.

Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa had said no one should travel unless it is an emergency.

"All malls, cinema halls, pubs, wedding ceremonies and other large gatherings in the Karnataka have been banned for another one week," Chief Minister Yediyurappa had said.

Notably, the number of coronavirus cases in the country has risen to 93, informed the Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare today.

So far, two deaths due to the COVID-19 have been reported in the country. In the wake of spurt in cases of coronavirus across the country, the Central Government on Saturday decided to treat the deadly virus as a "notified disaster".

Coronavirus, which originated in China's Wuhan city in December last year, has so far spread to more than 100 countries, infecting over 1,30,000 people. The World Health Organisation (WHO) has declared coronavirus a pandemic.

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Ram Puniyani
February 4,2020

As democracy is seeping in slowly all over the world, there is an organization which is monitoring the degree of democracy in the individual countries, The Economist Intelligence Unit. As such in each country there are diverse factors which on one hand work to deepen it, while others weaken it. Overall there is a march from theoretical democracy to substantive one. The substantive democracy will herald not just the formal equality, freedom and community feeling in the country but will be founded on the substantive quality of these values. In India while the introduction of modern education, transport, communication laid the backdrop of beginning of the process, the direction towards deepening of the process begins with Mahatma Gandhi when he led the non-cooperation movement in 1920, in which average people participated. The movement of freedom for India went on to become the ‘greatest ever mass movement’ in the World.

The approval and standards for democracy were enshrined in Indian Constitution, which begins ‘We the people of India’, and was adopted on 26th January 1950. With this Constitution and the policies adopted by Nehru the process of democratization started seeping further, the dreaded Emergency in 1975, which was lifted later restored democratic freedoms in some degree. This process of democratisation is facing an opposition since the decade of 1990s after the launch of Ram Temple agitation, and has seen the further erosion with BJP led Government coming to power in 2014. The state has been proactively attacking civil liberties, pluralism and participative political culture with democracy becoming flawed in a serious way. And this is what got reflected in the slipping of India by ten places, to 51st, in 2019. On the index of democracy India slipped down from the score of 7.23 to 6.90. The impact of sectarian BJP politics is writ on the state of the nation, country.

Ironically this lowering of score has come at a time when the popular protests, the deepening of democracy has been given a boost and is picking up with the Shaheen Bagh protests. The protest which began in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi in the backdrop of this Government getting the Citizenship amendment Bill getting converted into an act and mercilessly attacking the students of Jamia Milia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University along with high handed approach in Jamia Nagar and neighbouring areas.  From 15th December 2019, the laudable protest is on.

It is interesting to note that the lead in this protest has been taken by the Muslim women, from the Burqa-Hijab clad to ‘not looking Muslim’ women and was joined by students and youth from all the communities, and later by the people from all the communities. Interestingly this time around this Muslim women initiated protest has contrast from all the protests which earlier had begun by Muslims. The protests opposing Shah Bano Judgment, the protests opposing entry of women in Haji Ali, the protests opposing the Government move to abolish triple Talaq. So far the maulanas from top were initiating the protests, with beard and skull cap dominating the marches and protests. The protests were by and large for protecting Sharia, Islam and were restricted to Muslim community participating.

This time around while Narendra Modi pronounced that ‘protesters can be identified by their clothes’, those who can be identified by their external appearance are greatly outnumbered by all those identified or not identified by their appearance.

The protests are not to save Islam or any other religion but to protect Indian Constitution. The slogans are structured around ‘Defence of democracy and Indian Constitution’. The theme slogans are not Allahu Akbar’ or Nara-E-Tadbeer’ but around preamble of Indian Constitution. The lead songs have come to be Faiz Ahmad Faiz’s ‘Hum Dekhenge’, a protest against Zia Ul Haq’s attempts to crush democracy in the name of religion. Another leading protest song is from Varun Grover, ‘Tanashah Aayenge…Hum Kagaz nahin Dikhayenge’, a call to civil disobedience against the CAA-NRC exercise and characterising the dictatorial nature of the current ruling regime.

While BJP was telling us that primary problem of Muslim women is Triple talaq, the Muslim women led movements has articulated that primary problem is the very threat to Muslim community. All other communities, cutting across religious lines, those below poverty line, those landless and shelter less people also see that if the citizenship of Muslims can be threatened because of lack of some papers, they will be not far behind in the victimization process being unleashed by this Government.

While CAA-NRC has acted as the precipitating factor, the policies of Modi regime, starting from failure to fulfil the tall promises of bringing back black money, the cruel impact of demonetisation, the rising process of commodities, the rising unemployment, the divisive policies of the ruling dispensation are the base on which these protest movements are standing. The spread of the protest movement, spontaneous but having similar message is remarkable. Shaheen Bagh is no more just a physical space; it’s a symbol of resistance against the divisive policies, against the policies which are increasing the sufferings of poor workers, the farmers and the average sections of society.

What is clear is that as identity issues, emotive issues like Ram Temple, Cow Beef, Love Jihad and Ghar Wapasi aimed to divide the society, Shaheen Bagh is uniting the society like never before. The democratisation process which faced erosion is getting a boost through people coming together around the Preamble of Indian Constitution, singing of Jan Gan Man, waving of tricolour and upholding the national icons like Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, Ambedkar and Maulana Azad. One can feel the sentiments which built India; one can see the courage of people to protect what India’s freedom movement and Indian Constitution gave them.

Surely the communal forces are spreading canards and falsehood against the protests. As such these protests which is a solid foundation of our democracy. The spontaneity of the movement is a strength which needs to be channelized to uphold Indian Constitution and democratic ethos of our beloved country.

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