The nuisance called donation: Robbing students off their right

[email protected] (SAFIA NAEEM)
June 13, 2011

Come June and almost every other house gets ready for an additional ‘kharcha’… Time to set aside some money to buy new books, new umbrellas, new shoes, and uniforms! But its also that time of the year when parents have another headache to deal with – donations for educational institutions.


Although branded by law as illegal, many educational institutions in the district have been engaging in collection of donations for quite some time. For some parents, shelling out bundles of notes is not an issue at all as long as their son/daughter finds a seat to study in a reputed institution. For others, it is a nuisance which they have resigned to.


Right from schooling stage to higher education levels, the menace of donation has crept in. Although education has been declared as a right of every child, a whole lot of things haven’t been going right, especially with regard to collecting of donations. At the end of it all, the ultimate sufferers are the ones seeking admissions into these institutions.

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“When I took my son to a reputed school in the city to get him admitted there for eighth standard, I was told initially by them that he had to write an entrance test which was announced way back in February. When I enquired if there is any provision for a separate entrance test for my son, the Headmaster there told me that a mere ‘contribution’ would do and asked me to shell out Rs 10,000. They asked me to sign a ‘consent letter’ and when I left the amount column blank, as I was still negotiating for a lesser contribution, they told me that there is ‘no concession’ in the contribution amount to be paid. They even said that since it is a reputed institution, I have to make the payment. I later thought as to why I should be doing all this for my son who has scored good marks and has A+ results. I even asked the school authorities if that contribution was compulsory for all who apply, for which they responded in the affirmative. But when I cross checked with a friend of mine who had also got his ward admitted to the same school, I ascertained that he was not asked for any amount, in spite of the fact that his ward had far lesser marks,” says Ameen Ahsan, a troubled parent who has now filed a complaint with the DDPI demanding action against the school.


Lower middle class and poor families are the worst hit as far as donations are concerned. Over the years, quite a few Dalit families have suffered due to this ‘normal’ crime. “We are planning to go for inspections ourselves and demand information from schools. We will make sure that no injustice is done to any Dalit family. We will also be checking if they are going as per the quota norms” says Mr Keshwava, a Dalitha Sangharsha Samithi (DSS) leader.


The more important question however is, what have the concerned authorities been doing to check the long-disquieting menace? Although the recently introduced Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act by the union government, popularly known as the Right to Education Act or RTE, has strictly prohibited schools from collecting donations of any form, the rule has not seen implementation in the region, as the state government is yet to finalise rules and give implementation orders. The existing rules concerning the collection of donations prescribed by the Karnataka Education Act are not being followed either.


“As per the circular issued by the Department in 2006, no school can demand extra fees from students other than fees set as per the guidelines of the Department,” says Chame Gowda, Deputy Director of Public Instructions (DDPI), Dakshina Kannada district. And what are those guidelines? “Students are to be charged fees on the basis of a calculation to be made considering the number of teachers, total number of students, salary expenses of the teachers and so on and a specified capitation fee. Suppose if there are 10 teachers in a school and their salary expenses being borne by the concerned educational institution is 1,00,000 and a specified amount of capitation fee of 30% will result in each child being charged Rs 650 tuition fee given that the school has 200 students,” Gowda explains, giving an example. “If schools violate this and collect more, action can be taken against them”, he informs.


However, he is quick to add that action would only be taken if a complaint is lodged with the Department. “We can take a school to task only when parents or the victims file a complaint with us. Even if they give us a written complaint, we will consider it and take action against the concerned school”, Gowda says.


Waiting for a complaint to initiate inspection is not necessary though, says Prabhakar Sharma, Additional Deputy Commissioner of the district. “The DDPI and his department can always go for inspections. It is not necessary that they have to wait for complaints. But that is how usually they go about,” he says.

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Filing of complaints and taking on schools head-on is something that unfortunately majority of parents and students prefer to avoid. Fear of their child being subjected to discrimination or ill-treatment post-admission, their names figuring in the media, fear of a backlash from the concerned educational institution etc being some of the reasons. “At times, even the concerned authorities commit that mistake of revealing the identity of the complainants. There was this particular case in Puttur where a family lodged a complaint against an institution for demanding donation with the authorities, who mistakenly forwarded a photocopy of their complaint to the concerned school in the process of taking action against them. The school authorities figured out the complainants and before the Department could do anything, managed to get them on their side by threatening them or getting a consent letter from them. Authorities also need to be careful in dealing with complaints,” says Renny D’Souza, Director, VALORADE (Value Oriented Educational Project), and an education activist.


Activists like D’Souza are, however, disappointed that rules for the Right to Education Act have not yet been finalised in the state, for this Act has some strict rules to tackle the donation menace. According to the Chapter IV, Section 13 (1) of the Act, “No school or person shall, while admitting a child, collect any capitation fee and subject the child or his parents or any guardian to any screening procedure”. The Act defines ‘Capitation Fee’ as “any kind of donation or contribution or payment other than the fee notified by the school”. Besides, according to the Act Section 13 (2)(a), if a school collects capitation fee from the students, it “shall be punishable with fine which may extend to ten times the capitation fee charged”.


The rules mentioned in the Karnataka Education Act are obsolete now, according to D’Souza. “When we seek an answer from the BEO or the DDPI, they helplessly show the same old circular and the same old rules concerning the collection of fees, since the state government has not yet finalized the rules for RTE. But the greater cause of concern is that even the existing rules are not being followed. As far as donations are concerned, there is a big lobby working out there. Schools say they collect donations and donations can be given by anyone. But the Act clearly says that during admission, no other money apart from the prescribed fee is to be collected. If they want to collect money, they have to collect it from outsiders, not students. But they still do it stating it is for the building fund, library fund, this fund and that fund,” says D’Souza.


Activists like D’Souza feel that the government and the local educational authorities should take some extra interest in creating awareness among the masses regarding donations. “We have requested the BEO and DDPI and the government to publish the fee specifications in newspapers and put it up on notice boards everywhere so that people would know. State government has been delaying things and the finalizing process of RTE rules is moving at a snail’s pace. Yes there are certain loopholes in the RTE Act passed by the union government. Things like need of quota within the quota of the 25% set aside by the Act to avoid injustice to backward and lower sections of the society, devising of a proper formula for fee structures to be prescribed for schools of different nature etc also have to be worked at. The government has classified schools into government, private, aided, unaided etc in RTE too. But it also needs to set guidelines as to what should be the fees they can set. For instance, a private unaided school may wish to give swimming, horse-riding education etc for students. The fees for such activities must also be prescribed by the government. We are hoping that these things would be considered in the rules being formed by the state government and hoping that its RTE rules would be far more accomplished and practical, than the existing one,” D’Souza says.

According to Vishveshwara Hegde Kageri, State Minister for Primary and Secondary Education, the RTE rules are expected to be finalized in a month’s time. Implementation orders will also be given immediately after, he says. It is also learnt that the state government has directed all deputy commissioners in the state to revive the District Level Education Regulating Authorities (DLERA) to check donation collection from educational institutions. Kageri had also informed in a press briefing recently that the government will also seek Lokayukta’s help in checking the donation menace. However, that has not happened so far and speaking to Coastaldigest.com, Lok Ayukta Justice N Santhosh Hegde has revealed that no communication has been made to the office of the Lokayukta in this regard by the state government as yet.

However activists like D’Souza say the existing RTE rules can still be of great help to the masses. “The schools, the education department, the local authorities, everyone may say at this point of time that the state government has not yet finalized the RTE rules and therefore, the question of adhering to them with respect to donations and so on does not arise. But people are not aware of the fact that the union government’s rules still apply. If some school does not adhere to RTE guidelines and demands donation from parents, they can still sue the school and drag it to court as Centre has already passed the Act. In my opinion, if RTE is used today and people go to court, 50% of the unaided schools in this region would close down, as they are not following the Act’s guidelines,” D’Souza reveals.


The implementation of RTE is expected to bring about a change in the system and eliminate the nuisance of donations, thereby creating a better atmosphere of learning for children and better opportunities as well.


Because education is no child’s play… it’s a child’s right.


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Ram Puniyani
June 29,2020

In Minneapolis, US an African American, George Floyd lost his life as the white policeman, Derek Chauvin, caught hold of him and put his knee on his neck. This is a technique developed by Israel police. For nine long minutes the knee of the while policeman was on the neck of George, who kept shouting, I can’t breathe.

Following this gruesome murder America erupted with protests, ‘Black lives matter’. The protestors were not just African Americans but also a large section of whites. Within US one police Chief apologized for the act of this. In a touching gesture of apology the police force came on its knees. This had reverberations in different parts of the World.

The act was the outcome of the remnants of the racial hatred against blacks by the whites. It is the hatred and the perceptions which are the roots of such acts of violence. What was also touching that the state of democracy in US is so deep that even the police apologized, the nation, whites and blacks, stood up as a sensitive collective against this violence.

US is not the only country where the brutal acts of violence torment the marginalized sections of society. In India there is a list of dalits, minorities and adivasis who are regularly subjected to such acts. But the reaction is very different. We have witnessed the case of Tabrez Ansari, who was tied to the pole by the mob and beaten ruthlessly. When he was taken to police station, police took enough time to take him to hospital and Tabrez died.

Mohsin Sheikh, a Pune techie was murdered by Hindu Rashtra Sena mob, the day Modi came to power in 2014. Afrazul was killed by Shambhulal Regar, videotaped the act released on social media. Regar believed that Muslims are indulging in love Jihad, so deserve such a fate. Mohammad Akhlaq is one among many names who were mob lynched on the issue of beef cow. The list can fill pages after pages.

Recently a young dalit boy was shot dead for the crime of entering a temple. In Una four dalits were stripped above waste and beaten mercilessly. Commenting on this act the Union Minister Ramvilas Paswan commented that it is a minor incident. Again the list of atrocities against dalits is long enough. The question is what Paswan is saying is the typical response to such gruesome murders and tortures. In US loss of one black life, created the democratic and humane response. In India there is a general silence in response to these atrocities. Some times after a good lapse of time, the Prime Minister will utter, ‘Mother Bharati has lost a son’. Most of the time victim is blamed. Some social groups raise their voice in some fora but by and large the deafening silence from the country is the norm.

India is regarded as the largest democracy. Democracy is the rule of law, and the ground on which the injustices are opposed. In America though the present President is insensitive person, but its institutions and processes of democratic articulations are strong. The institutions have deepened their roots and though prejudices may be guiding the actions of some of the officers like the killer of George, there are also police officers who can tell their President to shut up if he has nothing meaningful to say on the issue. The prejudices against Blacks may be prevalent and deep in character, still there are large average sections of society, who on the principles of ‘Black lives matter’. There are large sections of vocal population who can protest the violation of basic norms of democracy and humanism.

In India by contrast there are multiple reasons as to why the lives of Tabrez Ansari, Mohammad Akhlaq, Una dalit victims and their likes don’t matter. Though we claim that we are a democracy, insensitivity to injustices is on the rise. The strong propaganda against the people from margins has become so vicious during last few decades that any violence against them has become sort of a new normal. The large populace, though disturbed by such brutalities, is also fed the strong dose of biases against the victims. The communal forces have a great command over effective section of media and large section of social media, which generates Hate against these disadvantaged groups, thereby the response is muted, if at all.

As such also the process of deepening of our democracy has been weak. Democracy is a dynamic process; it’s not a fixed entity. Decades ago workers and dalits could protest for their rights. Now even if peasants make strong protests, dominant media presents it as blocking of traffic! How the roots of democracy are eroded and are visible in the form where the criticism of the ruling dispensation is labelled as anti National..

Our institutions have been eroded over a period of time, and these institutions coming to the rescue of the marginalized sections have been now become unthinkable. The outreach of communal, divisive ideology, the ideology which looks down on minorities, dalits and Adivasis has risen by leaps and bounds.

The democracy in India is gradually being turned in to a hollow shell, the rule of law being converted in to rule of an ideology, which does not have faith in Indian Constitution, which looks down upon pluralism and diversity of this country, which is more concerned for the privileges of the upper caste, rich and affluent. The crux of the matter is the weak nature of democracy, which was on way to become strong, but from decades of 1980s, as emotive issues took over, the strength of democracy started dwindling, and that’s when the murders of the types of George Floyd, become passé. One does complement the deeper roots of American democracy and its ability to protect the democratic institutions, which is not the case in India, where protests of the type, which were witnessed after George Floyd’s murder may be unthinkable, at least in the present times. 

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Ram Puniyani
February 22,2020

This January 2020, it is thirty years since the Kashmiri Pundits’ exodus from the Kashmir valley took place. They had suffered grave injustices, violence and humiliation prior to the migration away from the place of their social and cultural roots in Kashmir Valley. The phenomenon of this exodus had been due to the communalization of militancy in Kashmir in the decade of 1980s. While no ruling Government has applied itself enough to ‘solve’ this uprooting of pundits from their roots, there are communal elements who have been aggressively using ‘what about Kashmiri Pundits?’, every time liberal, human rights defenders talk about the plight of Muslim minority in India. This minority is now facing an overall erosion of their citizenship rights.

Time and over again in the aftermath of communal violence in particular, the human rights groups have been trying to put forward the demands for justice and rehabilitation of the victim minority. Instead of being listened to those particularly from Hindu nationalist combine, as a matter of routine shout back, where were you when Kashmiri Pundits were driven away from the Valley? In a way the tragedy being heaped on one minority is being justified in the name of suffering of Pundits and in the process violence is being normalized. This sounds as if two wrongs make a right, as if the suffering Muslim minority or those who are trying to talk in defense of minority rights have been responsible for the pain of Kashmiri Pundits.

During these three, many political formations have come to power, including BJP, Congress, third front and what have you. To begin with when the exodus took place Kashmir was under President’s rule and V. P. Singh Government was in power at the center. This Government had the external support of BJP at that time. Later BJP led NDA came to power for close to six years from 1998, under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Then from 2014 it is BJP, with Narerda Modi as PM, with BJP brute majority is in power. Other components of NDA are there to enjoy some spoils of power without any say in the policies being pursued by the Government. Modi is having absolute power with Amit Shah occasionally presenting Modi’s viewpoints.

Those blurting, ‘what about Kashmiri Pundits?’ are using it as a mere rhetoric to hide their communal color. The matters of Kashmir are very disturbing and cannot be attributed to be the making of Indian Muslims as it is being projected in an overt and subtle manner. Today, of course the steps taken by the Modi Government, that of abrogation of Article 370, abolition of clause 35 A, downgrading the status of Kashmir from a state to union territory have created a situation where the return of Kashmiri Pundits may have become more difficult, as the local atmosphere is more stifling and the leaders with democratic potential have been slapped with Public Safety Act, where they can be interned for long time without any answerability to the Courts. The internet had been suspended, communication being stifled in an atmosphere where democratic freedoms are curtailed which makes solution of any problem more difficult.

Kashmir has been a vexed issue where the suppression of the clause of autonomy, leading to alienation led to rise of militancy. This was duly supported by Pakistan. The entry of Al Qaeda elements, who having played their role against Russian army in 1980s entered into Kashmir and communalized the situation in Kashmir. The initial Kashmir militancy was on the grounds of Kashmiriyat. Kashmiriyat is not Islam, it is synthesis of teachings of Buddha, values of Vedant and preaching’s of Sufi Islam. The tormenting of Kashmiri Pundits begins with these elements entering Kashmir.

Also the pundits, who have been the integral part of Kashmir Valley, were urged upon by Goodwill mission to stay on, with local Muslims promising to counter the anti Pundit atmosphere. Jagmohan, the Governor, who later became a minister in NDA Government, instead of providing security to the Pundits thought, is fit to provide facilities for their mass migration. He could have intensified counter militancy and protected the vulnerable Pundit community. Why this was not done?

Today, ‘What about Kashmiri Pundits?’ needs to be given a serious thought away from the blame game or using it as a hammer to beat the ‘Muslims of India’ or human rights defenders? The previous NDA regime (2014) had thought of setting up enclosures of Pundits in the Valley. Is that a solution? Solution lies in giving justice to them. There is a need for judicial commission to identify the culprits and legal measures to reassure the Pundit community. Will they like to return if the high handed stifling atmosphere, with large number of military being present in the area? The cultural and religious spaces of Pundits need to be revived and Kashmiryat has to be made the base of any reconciliation process.

Surely, the Al Qaeda type elements do not represent the alienation of local Kashmiris, who need to be drawn into the process of dialogue for a peaceful Kashmir, which is the best guarantee for progress in this ex-state, now a Union territory. Communal amity, the hallmark of Kashmir cannot be brought in by changing the demographic composition by settling outsiders in the Valley. A true introspection is needed for this troubled area. Democracy is the only path for solving the emigration of Pundits and also of large numbers of Muslims, who also had to leave the valley due to the intimidating militancy and presence of armed forces in large numbers. One recalls Times of India report of 5th February 1992 which states that militants killed 1585 people from January 1990 to October 1992 out of which 982 were Muslims and 218 Hindus.

We have been taking a path where democratic norms are being stifled, and the promises of autonomy which were part of treaty of accession being ignored. Can it solve the problem of Pundits?

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Ram Puniyani
February 4,2020

As democracy is seeping in slowly all over the world, there is an organization which is monitoring the degree of democracy in the individual countries, The Economist Intelligence Unit. As such in each country there are diverse factors which on one hand work to deepen it, while others weaken it. Overall there is a march from theoretical democracy to substantive one. The substantive democracy will herald not just the formal equality, freedom and community feeling in the country but will be founded on the substantive quality of these values. In India while the introduction of modern education, transport, communication laid the backdrop of beginning of the process, the direction towards deepening of the process begins with Mahatma Gandhi when he led the non-cooperation movement in 1920, in which average people participated. The movement of freedom for India went on to become the ‘greatest ever mass movement’ in the World.

The approval and standards for democracy were enshrined in Indian Constitution, which begins ‘We the people of India’, and was adopted on 26th January 1950. With this Constitution and the policies adopted by Nehru the process of democratization started seeping further, the dreaded Emergency in 1975, which was lifted later restored democratic freedoms in some degree. This process of democratisation is facing an opposition since the decade of 1990s after the launch of Ram Temple agitation, and has seen the further erosion with BJP led Government coming to power in 2014. The state has been proactively attacking civil liberties, pluralism and participative political culture with democracy becoming flawed in a serious way. And this is what got reflected in the slipping of India by ten places, to 51st, in 2019. On the index of democracy India slipped down from the score of 7.23 to 6.90. The impact of sectarian BJP politics is writ on the state of the nation, country.

Ironically this lowering of score has come at a time when the popular protests, the deepening of democracy has been given a boost and is picking up with the Shaheen Bagh protests. The protest which began in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi in the backdrop of this Government getting the Citizenship amendment Bill getting converted into an act and mercilessly attacking the students of Jamia Milia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University along with high handed approach in Jamia Nagar and neighbouring areas.  From 15th December 2019, the laudable protest is on.

It is interesting to note that the lead in this protest has been taken by the Muslim women, from the Burqa-Hijab clad to ‘not looking Muslim’ women and was joined by students and youth from all the communities, and later by the people from all the communities. Interestingly this time around this Muslim women initiated protest has contrast from all the protests which earlier had begun by Muslims. The protests opposing Shah Bano Judgment, the protests opposing entry of women in Haji Ali, the protests opposing the Government move to abolish triple Talaq. So far the maulanas from top were initiating the protests, with beard and skull cap dominating the marches and protests. The protests were by and large for protecting Sharia, Islam and were restricted to Muslim community participating.

This time around while Narendra Modi pronounced that ‘protesters can be identified by their clothes’, those who can be identified by their external appearance are greatly outnumbered by all those identified or not identified by their appearance.

The protests are not to save Islam or any other religion but to protect Indian Constitution. The slogans are structured around ‘Defence of democracy and Indian Constitution’. The theme slogans are not Allahu Akbar’ or Nara-E-Tadbeer’ but around preamble of Indian Constitution. The lead songs have come to be Faiz Ahmad Faiz’s ‘Hum Dekhenge’, a protest against Zia Ul Haq’s attempts to crush democracy in the name of religion. Another leading protest song is from Varun Grover, ‘Tanashah Aayenge…Hum Kagaz nahin Dikhayenge’, a call to civil disobedience against the CAA-NRC exercise and characterising the dictatorial nature of the current ruling regime.

While BJP was telling us that primary problem of Muslim women is Triple talaq, the Muslim women led movements has articulated that primary problem is the very threat to Muslim community. All other communities, cutting across religious lines, those below poverty line, those landless and shelter less people also see that if the citizenship of Muslims can be threatened because of lack of some papers, they will be not far behind in the victimization process being unleashed by this Government.

While CAA-NRC has acted as the precipitating factor, the policies of Modi regime, starting from failure to fulfil the tall promises of bringing back black money, the cruel impact of demonetisation, the rising process of commodities, the rising unemployment, the divisive policies of the ruling dispensation are the base on which these protest movements are standing. The spread of the protest movement, spontaneous but having similar message is remarkable. Shaheen Bagh is no more just a physical space; it’s a symbol of resistance against the divisive policies, against the policies which are increasing the sufferings of poor workers, the farmers and the average sections of society.

What is clear is that as identity issues, emotive issues like Ram Temple, Cow Beef, Love Jihad and Ghar Wapasi aimed to divide the society, Shaheen Bagh is uniting the society like never before. The democratisation process which faced erosion is getting a boost through people coming together around the Preamble of Indian Constitution, singing of Jan Gan Man, waving of tricolour and upholding the national icons like Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, Ambedkar and Maulana Azad. One can feel the sentiments which built India; one can see the courage of people to protect what India’s freedom movement and Indian Constitution gave them.

Surely the communal forces are spreading canards and falsehood against the protests. As such these protests which is a solid foundation of our democracy. The spontaneity of the movement is a strength which needs to be channelized to uphold Indian Constitution and democratic ethos of our beloved country.

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