The birth of ‘Bearywood’

[email protected] (SAFIA NAEEM)
June 14, 2011

With the first ever Beary language movie - ‘Byari’, Director Suveeran, has employed his own techniques to butter popcorn with the landmark movie, which opened simultaneously in Prabhat and Big Cinema in Mangalore.

 

In Suveeran’s own words: “Althaf Hussain, who is producing the film under the banner of Thanneer Films, needs real appreciation for venturing into Beary film-dom,” even though he took up the task, after the Tulu cinema traversed several milestones.

 

Mr Hussain, who is confident that the movie would surely win accolades at national level, says that ‘Byari’ has already received overwhelming appreciation from the audience as well as from the cine-experts when it was screened at International Film Festival of Thrissur (IFFT) and Habitat Film Festival in New Delhi.

 

Moreover, the involvement of renowned actors of South India such as Mamu Koya of Mollywood and ‘My Autograph’ famed Maillika of Kollywood, has naturally raised the eyebrows of the Beary cine-lovers.

 

However, the birth of what could be termed as ‘Bearywood’, is not free from the labour pain, as the controversies remained inseparable from the much vaunted movie, even before it could become a milestone in the robust and rich Beary cultural history.

 

But the filmmakers appeared to be the firm believers in the maxim no publicity is bad publicity.

 

The controversy is all about the central plot of the movie, which, according to renowned Kannada litterateur Sara Aboobaker, is a rip off from her most popular but controversial novel ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’.

 

“The same people, who attacked me when I wrote the novel nearly 27 years ago, now stole the story from the same novel to produce a cinema for their own benefit,” fumes Sara. “No other word can be suitable for these people than ‘thieves’. Yes, they are thieves. But they cannot go ahead doing whatever they want, as I have already launched a legal battle against them” the 75-year-old writer thunders.

 

However, Irfan Chokkabettu, the script writer of the film, denies Sara Aboobakar’s claims. He says the entire story of the film is based on a real-life story of a woman who still resides at Chokkabettu near Surathkal. “I was a witness for what happened in that woman’s life during 1998, when the coastal region was rocked by communal riots. The woman is still happily living with her husband and two children in Chokkabettu” he says.

 

“I was familiar with the name Sara Aboobakar. But, I never knew that Sara Aboobakar is a female and she has written a novel called ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’,” says Irfan, adding that he came to know the story of her novel only after the shooting of the film had been commenced.

 

The film Byari has a strong message for those who seek divorce on flimsy gounds. If veteran actor Mamu Koya, who is a prominent character in the film, was right, the concepts like Talaq and Iddath are at the centre stage of this film too.

 

Mr Koya also stunned his own team by claiming in a television interview that the story was indeed based on Chandragiriya Theeradalli.

 

The story revolves around Nadira, a young girl whose marriage was fixed with an elderly male as soon as she reached puberty. After initial period of anxiety and apprehension, she settles down with her husband who is thrice her age.

 

In a sudden turn of events, Nadira’s father, for his personal gains, forces her to break her relationship with her husband and brought back to her parental house.

 

It is in this backdrop, ‘Byari’ movie revolves around the sufferings of Nadira and finally the film has a happy ending as she once again unites with her husband.

 

Even though Nadira, is a familiar character for those who have read ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’, Mr Irfan questions how could Islamic systems such as ‘Talaq and Iddath’ and a popular name of a girl be a copyright issue for a writer like Sara Aboobaker?

 

Clarifying that the storyline of ‘Byari’ is not against the Holy Qur’an and Shariath law, Mr Irfan says, “We have only picturised the sufferings of a woman who got ‘Talaq’ due to her father’s whims and fancies. The film contains a warning for those who misuse Talaq or Iddath system, unlike Sara Aboobaker’s book that portrays Muslim women as being shackled by religious norms.”

 

The one hour 40 minute-long movie has only one song and has been shot at different localities in and around Mangalore namely Jokatte, Surathkal, Mukka, Bajpe and Thokkottu.

 

Mr Hussain, who claims that he has invested no less than Rs 55 lakh for ‘Byari’, says that the movie, uses a lot of techniques in the scenes now and then to get the message across.

 

The award-winning artistes have also contributed to the quality of the movie with their brilliant acting, he adds.

 

 

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Crew

 

Apart from Mamu Koya and Mallika most of the actors in the movie are local Beary amateur artistes. Producer Hussain himself has stood before camera mingling with fellow actors like Rahim Uchil, Ambika Mohan, Majeed, Riyaz Ashraf, Ashwathi, Prajeesh, Sudarshan, KTS Padanna, Shareef Katipalla, Roopa Varkadi, Asha, Altaf Krishnapura, Samshuddin Paradise, Baby Shatha and Shazin, Asfiya, Annath, Bathisha Puttur and Kabir Katipalla and others. Murali Krishnan is the camera-man.

 

Litterateur’s stance

 

Sara Aboobaker, who has won the highest literary award in the state namely Nadoja, claims that she has gathered sufficient proof to establish that the whole story of the film is based on her novel ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’.

 

“The copyright of the novel will exclusively be with the National Film Development Corporation (NFDC) until 2015 and nobody can reproduce it until then,” says Sara, accusing the ‘Byari’ team of using her name and fame for their publicity.

 

“I am aware that during the screening of ‘Byari’ in the International Film Festival of Thrissur (IFFT) in March this year, the crew had announced to the media that the film was based on the storyline of my celebrated novel,” she says.

 

“I have produced the documents of the actor Mamu Koya’s claim, which was aired in a local TV channel, as well as my novel, before the court. I am confident that I would win the battle,” she says.

 

The matter is in lower court and will be moved to district court if needed before releasing the movie in Mangalore, says litterateur.

 

Unforgettable experience

 

Mallika who played the role of Nadira, says that she cannot forget her experience during the shooting of ‘Byari’.

 

“I was so excited when I was approached for ‘Byari’, knowing that it was the first Beary movie. I am so happy that I too have become a part of a history through the first ever film of a regional language”, she says adding that the experience while shooting the movie was unforgettable.

 

“There is a scene where I fight with my father over my marital life. The scene has come so naturally and I always cherish the moments throughout my life”

 

Mamu Koya loves Beary!

 

The national award winning Malayalam comedian Mamu Koya, who has played the role of Nadira’s (Mallika’s) father in ‘Byari’ says that he cultivated love for Beary during the shooting.

 

“I enjoyed the shooting and loved Beary language too”, says Koya, who has already acted in more than 500 Malayalam films.

 

He says “Though my role in ‘Byari’ is quite opposite to that of ‘Perumazhakalam’, where an aging father who was helpless in his daughter’s fight against the odds to save her husband’s life, it gave me opportunities to emote as in ‘Perumazhakalam’”

 

Recalling that ‘Perumazhakalam’ had bagged National Film Award for Best Film in 2005, he says, that you cannot expect awards all the time.

 

However, Mr Koya never forgets to add that the Mangaloreans are so progressive and cooperative. “Yes, I would love to act in Beary language, which is similar to Malayalam, and would not miss opportunities in future also.”

 

Interview

 

Suveeran, an award-winning playwright and director of plays and short films, has made his debut in feature film direction with the very first film of Beary language- ‘Byari’. A product of the School of Drama, Thrissur, and the National School of Drama, New Delhi, the Kerala based director’s first love remains theatre though.

 

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Q: Being a Malayalam director, why did you experiment your first feature film in Beary language?

A: It is just technical. I have already directed almost five short films in Malayalam. When ‘Byari’ project came to me, I initially denied to do it because it was nothing related to me at all and I am basically from theatre. However, my producer, who is a sensible gentleman, gave the script and asked me to rethink on it.

 

Q: How did you feel the transition from theatre to film?

A: Film is just a mechanical production, and it can exist even after my life while drama, which has a life, is a live performance. And, of course like every drama-cum-film director, I too prefer working in drama than film. But I know it is difficult to get an audience to communicate my ideas through the medium of theatre.

 

Q: Would you like to work in Beary language again?

A: I will certainly work if a project like ‘Byari’ comes up again, but so far there is no other project in Beary language.

 

Q: ‘Byari’ bagged appreciation in Film festivals in Thrissur and New Delhi. To whom should the credit go?

A: To everyone who worked for it. The whole team has given 100 per cent for ‘Byari’

 

Que: How does the film appeal the audience in terms of cinematic aesthetics?

Ans: ‘Byari’ is an art movie. An art is just a self-expression. I don’t care about the reaction of the audience, as they are independent. Whether ‘Byari’ appeals you or not is dependent of how you see the life or the world or any other thing.

 

 

 

 

 

Comments

Kraig
 - 
Sunday, 4 Jun 2017

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 - 
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 - 
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Ram Puniyani
January 14,2020

In the beginning of January 2020 two very disturbing events were reported from Pakistan. One was the attack on Nankana Sahib, the holy shrine where Sant Guru Nanak was born. While one report said that the place has been desecrated, the other stated that it was a fight between two Muslim groups. Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan condemned the incident and the main accused Imran Chisti was arrested. The matter related to abduction and conversion of a Sikh girl Jagjit Kaur, daughter of Pathi (One who reads Holy Guru Granth Sahib in Gurudwara) of the Gurudwara. In another incident one Sikh youth Ravinder Singh, who was out on shopping for his marriage, was shot dead in Peshawar.

While these condemnable attacks took place on the Sikh minority in Pakistan, BJP was quick enough to jump to state that it is events like this which justify the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Incidentally CAA is the Act which is discriminatory and relates to citizenship with Religion, which is not as per the norms of Indian constitution. There are constant debates and propaganda that population of Hindus has come down drastically in Pakistan and Bangla Desh. Amit Shah, the Home minister stated that in Pakistan the population of Hindus has come down from 23% at the time of partition to 3.7% at present. And in Bangla Desh it has come down from 22% to present 8%.

While not denying the fact that the religious minorities are getting a rough deal in both these countries, the figures which are presented are totally off the mark. These figures don’t take into consideration the painful migrations, which took place at the time of partition and formation of Bangla Desh later. Pakistan census figures tell a different tale. Their first census was held in 1951. As per this census the overall percentage of Non Muslim in Pakistan (East and West together) was 14.2%, of this in West Pakistan (Now Pakistan) it was 3.44 and in Eat Pakistan it was 23.2. In the census held in Pakistan 1998 it became 3.72%. As far as Bangla Desh is concerned the share of Non Muslims has gone down from 23.2 (1951) to 9.6% in 2011.

The largest minority of Pakistan is Ahmadis, (https://minorityrights.org/country/pakistan/) who are close to 4 Million and are not recognised as Muslims in Pakistan. In Bangla Desh the major migrations of Hindus from Bangla Desh took place in the backdrop of Pakistan army’s atrocities in the then East Pakistan.

As far as UN data on refugees in India it went up by 17% between 2016-2019 and largest numbers were from Tibet and Sri Lanka.  (https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publication…)

The state of minorities is in a way the index of strength of democracy. Most South Asian Countries have not been able to sustain democratic values properly. In Pakistan, the Republic began with Jinnah’s classic speech where secularism was to be central credo of Pakistan. This 11th August speech was in a way what the state policy should be, as per which people of all faiths are free to practice their religion. Soon enough the logic of ‘Two Nation theory” and formation of Pakistan, a separate state for Muslim took over. Army stepped in and dictatorship was to reign there intermittently. Democratic elements were suppressed and the worst came when Zia Ul Haq Islamized the state in collusion with Maulanas. The army was already a strong presence in Pakistan. The popular formulation for Pakistan was that it is ruled by three A’s, Army, America and Allah (Mullah).

Bangla Desh had a different trajectory. Its very formation was a nail in the coffin of ‘two nation theory’; that religion can be the basis of a state. Bangla Desh did begin as a secular republic but communal forces and secular forces kept struggling for their dominance and in 1988 it also became Islamic republic. At another level Myanmar, in the grip of military dictatorship, with democratic elements trying to retain their presence is also seeing a hard battle. Democracy or not, the army and Sanghas (Buddhist Sang has) are strong, in Myanmar as well. The most visible result is persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

Similar phenomenon is dominating in Sri Lanka also where Budhhist Sanghas and army have strong say in the political affairs, irrespective of which Government is ruling. Muslim and Christian minorities are a big victim there, while Tamils (Hindus, Christians etc.) suffered the biggest damage as ethnic and religious minorities. India had the best prospect of democracy, pluralism and secularism flourishing here. The secular constitution, the outcome of India’s freedom struggle, the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru did ensure the rooting of democracy and secularism in a strong way.

India so far had best democratic credentials amongst all the south Asian countries. Despite that though the population of minorities rose mainly due to poverty and illiteracy, their overall marginalisation was order of the day, it went on worsening with the rise of communal forces, with communal forces resorting to identity issues, and indulging in propaganda against minorities.

While other South Asian countries should had followed India to focus more on infrastructure and political culture of liberalism, today India is following the footsteps of Pakistan. The retrograde march of India is most visible in the issues which have dominated the political space during last few years. Issues like Ram Temple, Ghar Wapasi, Love Jihad, Beef-Cow are now finding their peak in CAA.

India’s reversal towards a polity with religion’s identity dominating the political scene was nicely presented by the late Pakistani poetess Fahmida Riaz in her poem, Tum bhi Hum Jaise Nikle (You also turned out to be like us). While trying to resist communal forces has been an arduous task, it is becoming more difficult by the day. This phenomenon has been variously called, Fundamentalism, Communalism or religious nationalism among others. Surely it has nothing to do with the religion as practiced by the great Saint and Sufi traditions of India; it resorts mainly to political mobilization by using religion as a tool.

Comments

Ashi
 - 
Tuesday, 14 Jan 2020

If Malaysia implement similar NRC/CAA, India and China are the loser.

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Ram Puniyani
March 8,2020

They say ‘history repeats itself first as a tragedy and then as a farce’. In case of India, communal violence not only keeps repeating itself, the pattern of the tragedy keeps changing every next time. Some features of the violence are constant, but they are under the wraps mostly. The same can be said about the Delhi violence (February 2020). The interpretations, the causative factors are very discernible, but those who are generally the perpetrators have a knack of shifting the blame on the victim community or those who stand for the victims.

As the carnage began presumably in the aftermath of statement of Kapil Mishra of BJP, which was given in front of a top police official, in which he threatened to get the roads emptied. The roots of violence were sown earlier. The interpretations given by the Hindu Nationalist camp is that the riot is due to the changing demographic profile of the area with Muslims increasing in number in those areas, and coming up of Shaheen Bagh which was presented was like ‘Mini Pakistan’. As per them the policies of BJP in matters of triple talaq, Article 370 and CAA, NPR, NRC has unnerved the ‘radical’ elements and so this violence.

As such before coming to the observations of the activists and scholars of communal violence in India, we can in brief say that violence, in which nearly 46 people have died, include one from police and another from intelligence. Majority victims are Muslims. The violence started right under the nose of the police and the ruling party. From the videos and other eye accounts, police not only looked the other way around, at places it assisted those attacking the innocent victims and burning and looting selective shops. Home minister, Amit Shah, was nowhere on the scene. For first three days the rioters had free run. After the paramilitary force was brought in; the violence simmered and slowly reduced in intensity. The state AAP Government, which in a way is the byproduct of RSS supported Anna Hazare movement, was busy reading Hanuman Chalisa and praying at Rajghat with eyes closed to the mayhem going in parts of Delhi.

Communal violence is the sore point of Indian society. It did begin during colonial period due to British policy of ‘Divide and Rule’. At root cause was the communal view of looking at history and pro active British acts to sow the seeds of Hindu-Muslim divide. At other level the administrative and police the British were fairly neutral. On one hand was the national movement, uniting the people and creating and strengthening the fraternal feeling among all Indians. On the other were Muslim Communalists (Muslim League) and Hindu Communalists (Hindu Mahasabha, RSS) who assisted the British goal of ‘divide and rule’ promoting hatred between the communities. After partition the first major change was the change in attitude of police and administration which started tilting against Muslims. Major studies by Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer, Paul Brass and Omar Khalidi demonstrated that anti Muslim bias is discernible in during and after the riots.

Now the partisan role of police has been visible all through. Sri Krishna Commission report brought forth this fact; as did the research of the Ex DIG of UP police Dr. V.N.Rai. Dr. Rai’s studies also concluded that no communal violence can go on beyond 24 hours unless state administration is complicit in the carnage. In one of the violence, investigation of which was done by concerned Citizen’s team (Dhule, 2013) this author observed that police itself went on to undertake the rampage against Muslims and Muslim properties.

General observation about riots is that violence sounds to be spontaneous, as the Home Minister is pointing out, but as such it is well planned act. Again the violence is orchestrated in such a way that it seems Muslims have begun the riots. Who casts the First stone? To this scholars point out that the carnage is so organized that the encircled community is forced to throw the first stone. At places the pretext is made that ‘they’ (minorities) have thrown the first stone.

The pretexts against minorities are propagated, in Gujarat violence Godhra train burning, in Kandhamal the murder of Swami Laxamannand and now Shaheen bagh! The Hindu Muslim violence began as riots. But it is no more a riot, two sides are not involved. It is plain and simple anti Minority violence, in which some from the majority are also the victims.

This violence is possible as the ‘Hate against this minority’ is now more or less structural. The deeper Hate against Muslims and partly against Christians; has been cultivated since long and Hindu nationalist politics, right from its Shakhas to the social media have been put to use for spreading Hatred. The prevalent deeper hate has been supplanted this time by multiple utterances from BJP leaders, Modi (Can be recognized by clothes), Shah (press EVM machine button so hard that current is felt in Shaheen Bagh), Anurag Thakur (Goli (bullet) Maro) Yogi Aditya Nath (If Boli (Words)Do not work Goli will) and Parvesh Varma (They will be out to rape).

The incidental observation of the whole tragedy is the coming to surface of true colors of AAP, which not only kept mum as the carnage was peaking but also went on to praise the role of police in the whole episode. With Delhi carnage “Goli Maro” seems to be becoming the central slogan of Hindu nationalists. Delhi’s this violence has been the first one in which those getting killed are more due to bullets than by swords or knifes! Leader’s slogans do not go in vain! Courts the protectors of our Constitution seem to be of little help as if one of them like Murlidhar Rao gives the verdict to file against hate mongers, he is immediately transferred.

And lastly let’s recall the academic study of Yale University. It concludes; BJP gains in electoral strength after every riot’. In India the grip of communalism is increasing frighteningly. Efforts are needed to combat Hate and Hate mongers.

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Ram Puniyani
February 13,2020

Forthcoming Census and RSS campaign

Currently massive protests are going on against NPR, NCR and CAA. At the same time we are going to begin the process of decadal census in 2021. Already RSS is active in promoting NPR, NCR and CAA. At the same time RSS wants that Adivasis should register themselves as Hindus rather than ticking the column of ‘Others’. As per their spokesperson in the 2011 census many Adivasis groups ticked that column because of which the population of Hindus came down to by 0.7 percent point to come down to 79.8 %. This has sent signals to this Hindu nationalist organization and is planning to ensures that Adivasis tick the column of Hindus in this census.

As such RSS has a very clever attitude in defining the term Hindu. The first formulation was by Savakakar who said that all those who regard the land east of Indus as their Holy land and Father land are Hindus. This left out Muslims and Christians, and brought all others in the ambit of Hindu fold. From the decade of 1980s due to electoral compulsions they have been trying to articulate that all those who are living in India are Hindus. Murli Manohar Joshi stated that Muslims are Ahmadiya Hindus and Christians are Christi Hindus. Recently there was a controversy when they restated that Sikhs are not a separate religion but are a sect of Hinduism. Many Sikh organizations stood up to say that Sikhism is a religion by itself and recalled the book of Kahan Singh Nabha, “Hum Hindu Nahin”

As far as Adivasis are concerned in contrast to what is being planned by Hindu nationalist RSS, many Adivasis groups have been meeting from last couple of years to demand just the contrary. As per them there should be a column where they can tick their identity of Adivasis.  There are active campaigns among Adivasis groups to uphold their Adivasi identity in Census. As per them in the first census which was conducted in Independent India, the column, Aborigines, was there, which was later removed forcing them to club themselves with other religions.

After 1951 in addition to Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Christian, Jain and Buddha, the column ‘others’ was also there which was removed in 2011. Even during British period if you look at the censuses of the British era (from 1871 to 1931); there was provision for tribes to choose Aborigine as an option. There are nearly 83 religious practices being followed by Adivasis. Few major of these are Sarna, Gondi, Punem, Adi, and Koya. What they share in common is that they are animists, worship nature and spirit of ancestors; do not have priestly class or Holy Scriptures and Gods and Goddesses characteristic of the broad Hindu pantheon.

RSS as per its political agenda of Hindu Nation regards them as Vanvasi. They pontificate that they have been part of Hindu society who were driven away to forests to escape the forcible conversion being done by the Muslim invaders. This concoction is contrary to the interpretations based on the studies from population genetics. The Hindu nationalist argues that Aryans have been the original inhabitants of the country from where they spread to other parts of the World. The book by Tony Joseph, ‘Early Indians’ tells us that away from the race theory, we are all mixed up. The first inhabitants in our land were the ones who emigrated from South Asia over Sixty thousand years ago.

The Indo-Aryans came here nearly three thousand years ago and they pushed the aborigines to the forests and hills and that’s what constitutes the Adivasi community of India.

Hindu Nationalists like all the nationalists who construct their nationalism around their religion claim to be the most original inhabitants of the land, and their interpretations of past are molded according to that. RSS right from beginning has not been using the word Adivasi, it calls them Vanvasi. As per its agenda it wants them to be part of Hindu fold, despite Adivasis themselves saying that they are not Hindus, they have beliefs and practices which are far away from Hinduism in whatever form.

To enhance its political reach from the decades of 1980s in particular its work in Adivasis areas has been intensified. While ‘Vanvasis Kalyan Ashram’, part of RSS Combine which was formed much earlier, it was in the decades of 1980s that their work was jacked up by sending more Pracharaks in Adivasi areas. We see that in Gujarat, Dangs and nearby area, Swami Aseemanand, in MP, centered around Jhabua-the followers of Asaram Bapu and in Orissa Swami Laxmananad stationed them. They saw Christian missionaries working in the field of education and health as an obstacle to Hinduization of Adivasis. Their propaganda against Christian missionaries led to the ghastly murder of Pastor Graham Stains. It was this propaganda which led to anti Christian violence in various forms, the most horrific being the Kandhamal violence of 2008.

In order to culturally co-opt them into the fold of Hinduism they began series of religious congregations, Kumbhs. Shabri Kumbh in Dangs and many other Adivasis predominant areas created an atmosphere of fear, Adivasis were asked to be part of it, saffron flags were distributed and they were made to put it in their houses. Two religious icons were popularized in these areas, one was Shabri and other was Hanuman. To cap it all, Ekal Vidyalayas, started spreading RSS’s interpretation of history in these areas. The other angle of the whole thing is that Adivasis are living in the areas rich in minerals, which the BJP supporter Corporate World wants to take over.

World over aborigines have similar pattern. They are animists and what they practice is a culture as such. Many have converted to other religions out of their choice for sure, but finally in these matters what is important is the self perception. Hemant Soren the Chief Minister of Jharkhand pointed out that “Adivasis are not Hindus. ”Keeping that in mind; the column of Aborigines needs to find its place in our census forms.

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