‘Kalladka Bhat is not interfering in local politics’ - Interview with Anwar Manippady

[email protected] (Abrar Ahmed Khan)
July 22, 2012
Anwar Manippady, Chairman, Karnataka State Minorities Commission, was recently in the news for exposing scholarship and Wakf Board scams, the latter bringing to light alleged misappropriation of Rs 200,000 crore. In this exclusive interview he speaks to Coastaldigest.com about them and other issues.

Manippady


You recently exposed some scholarship irregularities claiming that injustice has been done to minority students. Could you elaborate on that?


In Bangalore, something called as the Taj Educational Trust was formed by IAS and KAS officers. It is supposed to have been set up to train Muslim students to face IAS and KAS exams. For the purpose they had built a building at the Navbahar Makan Wakf property of about 12 acres of land in Bangalore’s Bharatinagar constituency with classrooms and library facilities. But now, there are no classrooms and hardly any classes are being conducted there. The building has been converted into a lodge in the first and second floors and the ground floor has been converted into a Shadi Mahal. In the library, I found many gunny bag bundles. When I got them opened I found lots and lots of unopened covers bearing applications addressed to the Directorate of Minorities from students for scholarships, along with affidavits and photographs. I was later told that the Directorate of Minorities had been treating this library room as a godown and from the last 4-5 years these bundles were being stored at the place.

If students are not eligible for the scholarship, it is the duty of the Directorate to write back to them and inform them about it. But forget about responding back to students, they had not even opened the covers. This shows that the scholarships have been going to people whom they decide or they must be giving some benaami names and taking the money themselves. Even now I get complaints from places like Kolar, Bhatkal and so on stating that students who had applied for scholarships have not got their money. Sadiya Sultana, the present Director of the Directorate of Minorities, Karnataka, has been indicted of manipulating Wakf property in Bidar. The Muslim bureaucrats along with the so called leaders are all hand in glove and are depriving the rights of the Muslim have-nots.

Your expose on Wakf irregularities and submission of a report to the Chief Minister on the same created quite a few ripples. Did you find irregularities in Wakf properties in Mangalore too?


In a gazette notification I found that Nadu Masjid in Bunder area of Mangalore owns 15 acres of land. It has also been registered in the records of the Wakf Board in Bangalore. I thought 15 acres in Bunder is an interesting mention as that would mean that almost one third of the entire Bunder area would belong to the mosque. When I checked with the mosque authorities I was told they own just 19 cents of land. The rest of the land has been occupied by shopkeepers.

In the coastal belt people give land as Wakf to a mosque in the form of property or land elsewhere maybe in the form of arecanut farms and so on. But the Wakf Board officials sell them to other people which is not right. According to the Supreme Court, once a Wakf property always a Wakf property, but these irregularities have taken place and Mangalore is no exception.

What is the status of the Windsor Manor Wakf property in Bangalore which you highlighted in your report?


The High Court has directed for mediation between the Wakf Board and the Hotel. In other words, it has asked for a compromise. The people who are in the Wakf Board are a bunch of jokers and they will even go for a compromise rather than trying to get back the property which belongs to the community. As per the norms, pork and wine business has no place on a Wakf property and that is what is happening at the hotel today. It would be a disgrace if the Wakf Board members contend with a compromise with the hotel. I personally feel the hotel must be converted into a high standard hospital which could benefit the community and many Muslims have expressed their support in this regard.

Why is that only Congress and JDS leaders have been named in your report? Many allege that it is a political ploy of the BJP for which you have been used…


No it is not political at all. From the last 60 years the state was ruled by the Congress. So all these years it was their leaders who were governing the Wakf Board. So there is no real substance in the allegation that only Congress and JDS leaders have been named in my report. But still, I have spoken against Mumtaz Ali Khan, who was our Wakf Minister and who happens to belong to the BJP. Even during his tenure he did not take complaints of Wakf property irregularities seriously. For instance, the Ramnagara Wakf property measuring about 7 acres where an Eidgah is also existing, has been taken over by one Timmegowda, a liquor baron. A PIL was filed and the Wakf Board won it in the High Court. It was clearly established that there was an encroachment and the government order was also in favour of the Wakf Board. The government order is with the Wakf to get back the encroached land but none of them including Mumtaz Ali Khan took action. When it came to my notice, I went there with the documents and the orders and made it clear that I want all the encroachments demolished. Tomorrow I am scheduled to visit Ramanagara and I will make sure that I myself bulldoze the encroached walls and property. I have made it clear that I want everything to be cleared in this month of Ramadan and that I would offer my Eid prayers at that very Eidgah.


True that you did take on Mumtaz Ali Khan but there is also this allegation against you that you went against him with an intention to emerge as the more powerful Muslim leader in the BJP with an eye on the ministerial berth in minority quota. How do you respond to that?


I have not gone against anyone with an eye on a ministerial berth. I have given it in writing to the Chief Minister that I am not aspiring for a minister post at all. I have made it very clear by staying away from lobbying for a minister berth in the recently formed Jagadish Shettar cabinet. Now that the cabinet formation is over and my mission of carrying out my duties as Minorities Commission chief is still on, I don’t think anybody should be making this allegation against me that I am a ministerial aspirant. My political ambition is simple – I want to complete my responsibilities as a Minority Commission chief before I think of minister-ship.

What do you have to say about the three Chief Ministerial changes and constant cabinet reshuffles in the state in the current BJP term?


Multiple changes in Chief Minister’s post is something that has happened in the Congress governments of the past too. It is the decision of the party to make changes.

Are you happy with C T Ravi being made the district in charge minister for Dakshina Kannada or do you feel that somebody from the district itself should have been given the post?


I don’t think C T Ravi being given the post of Dakshina Kannada district in charge minister is a bad move as such. The cabinet posts have been filled and since he is the nearest person from another district to Mangalore, he has been chosen for the job. He is a man who has an eye for development. In Chikmagalur too he has done a lot of development works and those have not been done to please anyone. They have been done for the people. Even the minority Muslims are happy with his work as an MLA.

The role played by RSS leader Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat in the recent Shettar cabinet formation was widely discussed following Haladi Srinivas Shetty’s remarks against him. You have in the past come out in support of Mr. Bhat in a public programme when he was being criticized for his anti-minorities speech. Now that voices are being raised against him even from within the BJP, what do you have to say?


I would say that I came out in his support in a public programme for something that he had not said. I had heard the recording of his speech and some sections of the media had published things that he had not said at all. The media misunderstood his words regarding the burqa and Muslim women. He was only saying that instead of wooing Hindu women, Muslim men should go after ladies in their own community. He said Muslim women are more beautiful than Hindu women and in this context he said that this beauty of their lies behind their veils. But some media carried reports saying that Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat had advocated opening of veils of Muslim women and so on. I stood by him because I felt he was misunderstood.

I think it would be wrong to say that Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat has been dominating and interfering in local politics. Barring Haladi Srinivas Shetty, I have not come across anyone who has said so. Yes, Haladi Srinivas Shetty may be an aggrieved party but to blame Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat for that is not right. I was in Bangalore when the cabinet formation was going on and I was keeping a close eye on all the developments because I also happen to be a spokesperson of the party. As far as I know, he has not tried to interfere in those matters at all.

A murder attempt was made on Rahim Uchil, also a leader who associates himself with the BJP, not too long ago. Are you worried about you being targeted in the future too because you associate yourself with the BJP? Have you received any threats?


The attack on Rahim Uchil was carried out by a few who are misleading the Muslims and have wronged their happiness. As far as I am concerned, I would say I am under constant threat even by individuals as I have put my hand into the property irregularities of many people. But I have not asked for any security and neither am I scared. In fact, if something happens to me, the cause for which I am fighting will get a huge boost and the Muslim community will benefit immensely. There will be a great reaction and the support for my struggle to bring the so called servants of Muslim Community to book will increase ten times than what it is now.

What else has the Commission been doing for the minorities?


Minorities Commission has got a responsibility towards the minorities in every field. The government has made many provisions for the minorities and given them lot of sops. But many officials in various departments have failed in their duty to give the minorities their due. I regularly hold reviews in an open court format with a prior announcement in the newspapers that I would be holding a review meet. I invite people with grievances to inform me and attend the meet. In the presence of media, the officers and the aggrieved people, I hold the meet. During the meet I get complaints against officials and accordingly I take steps. Because of my initiatives many officers including education officers, child welfare officers, health department officials etc have been suspended for not doing their duty. We are supposed to monitor the progress made by the respective departments as far as minorities’ development and their rights are concerned. We have been doing a good job. In fact, many people might not have been aware of the Minorities Commission until my party came to power. After we started functioning, people have come to know what the powers of the Commission are. Until we came, the Commission was just there lying dormant. But now exciting things are happening under the Commission and we would continue to keep up the good work.

Photo by Ahmed Anwar

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Ram Puniyani
February 10,2020

Noam Chomsky is one of the leading peace workers in the world. In the wake of America’s attack on Vietnam, he brought out his classic formulation, ‘manufacturing consent’. The phrase explains the state manipulating public opinion to have the public approve of it policies—in this case, the attack of the American state on Vietnam, which was then struggling to free itself from French colonial rule.

In India, we are witness to manufactured hate against religious minorities. This hatred serves to enhance polarisation in society, which undermines India’s democracy and Constitution and promotes support for a Hindu nation. Hate is being manufactured through multiple mechanisms. For example, it manifests in violence against religious minorities. Some recent ghastly expressions of this manufactured hate was the massive communal violence witnessed in Mumbai (1992-93), Gujarat (2002), Kandhamal (2008) and Muzaffarnagar (2013). Its other manifestation was in the form of lynching of those accused of having killed a cow or consumed beef. A parallel phenomenon is the brutal flogging, often to death, of Dalits who deal with animal carcasses or leather.

Yet another form of this was seen when Shambhulal Regar, indoctrinated by the propaganda of Hindu nationalists, burned alive Afrazul Khan and shot the video of the heinous act. For his brutality, he was praised by many. Regar was incited into the act by the propaganda around love jihad. Lately, we have the same phenomenon of manufactured hate taking on even more dastardly proportions as youth related to Hindu nationalist organisations have been caught using pistols, while police authorities look on.

Anurag Thakur, a BJP minster in the central government recently incited a crowd in Delhi to complete his chant of what should happen to ‘traitors of the country...” with a “they should be shot”. Just two days later, a youth brought a pistol to the site of a protest at Jamia Millia Islamia university and shouted “take Azaadi!” and fired it. One bullet hit a student of Jamia. This happened on 30 January, the day Nathuram Godse had shot Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. A few days later, another youth fired near the site of protests against the CAA and NRC at Shaheen Bagh. Soon after, he said that in India, “only Hindus will rule”.

What is very obvious is that the shootings by those associated with Hindu nationalist organisations are the culmination of a long campaign of spreading hate against religious minorities in India in general and against Muslims in particular. The present phase is the outcome of a long and sustained hate campaign, the beginning of which lies in nationalism in the name of religion; Muslim nationalism and Hindu nationalism. This sectarian nationalism picked up the communal view of history and the communal historiography which the British introduced in order to pursue their ‘divide and rule’ policy.

In India what became part of “social common sense” was that Muslim kings had destroyed Hindu temples, that Islam was spread by force, and that it is a foreign religion, and so on. Campaigns, such as the one for a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Rama to be built at the site where the Babri masjid once stood, further deepened the idea of a Muslim as a “temple-destroyer”. Aurangzeb, Tipu Sultan and other Muslim kings were tarnished as the ones who spread Islam by force in the subcontinent. The tragic Partition, which was primarily due to British policies, and was well-supported by communal streams also, was entirely attributed to Muslims. The Kashmir conflict, which is the outcome of regional, ethnic and other historical issues, coupled with the American policy of supporting Pakistan’s ambitions of regional hegemony, (which also fostered the birth of Al-Qaeda), was also attributed to the Muslims.

With recurring incidents of communal violence, these falsehoods went on going deeper into the social thinking. Violence itself led to ghettoisation of Muslims and further broke inter-community social bonds. On the one hand, a ghettoised community is cut off from others and on the other hand the victims come to be presented as culprits. The percolation of this hate through word-of-mouth propaganda, media and re-writing of school curricula, had a strong impact on social attitudes towards the minorities.

In the last couple of decades, the process of manufacturing hate has been intensified by the social media platforms which are being cleverly used by the communal forces. Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am a Troll: Inside the Secret World of the BJP’s Digital Army, tells us how the BJP used social media to spread hate. Whatapp University became the source of understanding for large sections of society and hate for the ‘Other’, went up by leaps and bounds. To add on to this process, the phenomenon of fake news was shrewdly deployed to intensify divisiveness.

Currently, the Shaheen Bagh movement is a big uniting force for the country; but it is being demonised as a gathering of ‘anti-nationals’. Another BJP leader has said that these protesters will indulge in crimes like rape. This has intensified the prevalent hate.

While there is a general dominance of hate, the likes of Shambhulal Regar and the Jamia shooter do get taken in by the incitement and act out the violence that is constantly hinted at. The deeper issue involved is the prevalence of hate, misconceptions and biases, which have become the part of social thinking.

These misconceptions are undoing the amity between different religious communities which was built during the freedom movement. They are undoing the fraternity which emerged with the process of India as a nation in the making. The processes which brought these communities together broadly drew from Gandhi, Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar. It is these values which need to be rooted again in the society. The communal forces have resorted to false propaganda against the minorities, and that needs to be undone with sincerity.

Combating those foundational misconceptions which create hatred is a massive task which needs to be taken up by the social organisations and political parties which have faith in the Indian Constitution and values of freedom movement. It needs to be done right away as a priority issue in with a focus on cultivating Indian fraternity yet again.

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Ram Puniyani
January 26,2020

During last couple of decades we have been witnessing the coming up of various statues in different parts of the country. There is diverse political logic and different set of political tendencies for erecting these statues. When Mayawati was UP CM, she got multiple of her own statues made, in addition to many statues of major dalit icons, irrespective of the criticism against that act. As per her strategy it was a symbol of identity of dalit assertion. The biggest statue to come up was that of Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, a lifelong Congressman, whom RSS combine is trying to appropriate. This statue of Unity was ‘Made in China’. The clever trick was that the same forces were behind this statue, which was banned by Patel in the aftermath of Gandhi murder. Interestingly while currently BJP is blaming Congress for Partition of India, ironically it was Sardar Patel who was in the committee which gave final stamp of approval for the partition of India.

There is also a talk in UP, where the Ram temple campaign yielded rich electoral dividends for BJP, to have tallest statue of Lord Ram in Ayodhya. In a state where children are dying in hospitals due to lack of Oxygen cylinders, a huge budgetary allocation will be required for such project. While on statues one should also remember that in Maharashtra a tall statue of Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj is underway in Arabian Sea, near Mumbai. Only few voices of protest against it came up, e.g. that of renowned journalist, now, MP, Kumar Ketkar, whose house was vandalised for his opposing the move on the grounds that same massive amount can be utilized for welfare-development activities in the state.

On the back of this comes a comparatively low budget 114 feet tall statue of Jesus Christ in Karnataka, in Kappala hills Harobele village, where Christian pilgrims have been thronging from last several centuries. The land for this has been donated by Congress leader Shivaprasad and his brother, a Congress MP. It is planned to be carved out from a single rock. The plan of this statue is being opposed by those who have been behind most of the statue projects so far. Hindu Jagran Vedike, VHP, RSS are up in arms saying that they will not let this come up. There are various arguments cited for this opposition. It is being said that this was a place of worship of Lord Munnieshwara (a form of Lord Shiva).

More than this it is being argued that Shivakumar is trying to please his Italian boss in the party. Also that this will bring back the period of slavery of foreign rule, the colonial rule of British. As such this opposition is more in tune with the ideology of RSS combine, which has been for a statue here and a statue there. Their politics regards Christianity as a ‘foreign religion’! It is true that in Citizenship Amendment Act, they have not excluded Christianity while other religion, which they regard as ‘Foreign’ i.e. Islam. Here they are using a different logic, that the countries from where persecuted minorities are coming, are Muslim countries, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangla Desh.

In India the major targeting by RSS combine has been against Muslims, but Christians are also not spared. Starting in the decade of 1980, an intense propaganda has been going on that Christian Missionaries are converting. As RSS affiliate Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram became active in Adivasi areas, the likes of Swami Aseemanand, Swami Laxmanand and followers of Aasaram bapu spread out in Tribal areas. They started their programs to popularise Shabri and Hanuman, with congregations like Shabri Kumbh being regularly organized in these areas. The aim was to Hinduize the people in those areas.

The first major anti Christian violence came up in the ghastly form of burning alive of Pastor Graham Steward Stains along with his two minor sons Timothy and Philip. RSS affiliate Bajrang Dal's Dara Siingh aka Rajendra Pal was behind this and he is serving the life term for that. At the same time Wadhva Commission was appointed to investigate this crime which shook the country and President K.R. Narayan termed it as the one belonging to the inventory of the black deeds of human history.

The Wadhva commission report pointed out that there was no statistical significant change in the region where the pastor was working. Similarly the national figures tell us that the Christian population, if at all, has marginally declined in last five decades as per the census figures. They stand like this, percentage of Christians in population, 1971-2.60, 1981- 2.44, 1991-2.34, 2001-2.30 and 2011-2.30. There are arguments that some people are converting to Christianity but are not revealing their religion. This may be true in case of miniscule percentage of dalits, who may not reveal there conversion, as they stand to loose reservation provisions if they convert.

The anti Christian violence is scattered and is below the radar most of the places. There was massive valence in Kandhamal, Orissa, when on the pretext that Christians have murdered Swami Laxmananand, a massive violence was unleashed in 2008. On regular basis prayer meetings of Christians are attacked on the pretext that these are attempts at conversion. While there is a huge demand for the schools and colleges run by Christian groups, in Adivasis areas and remote areas the work of Swamis is on.

Now the trend is to dump Christian traditions. Since Ramnath Kovind became President, the usual practice of Carol Singers visiting Rashtrapati Bhavan has been stopped. In the army retreat so far ‘Abide with me’ by Scottish poet, Henri Francis Lyte, a Christian song, a favourite of Gandhi, has been dropped. The Christian minorities have perceived the threat in various forms. Currently they are as much part of the protests against CAA, NPR and NRIC as any other community.

While statues and identity issues cannot have primacy over the social development issues, it cannot be selective. To oppose Jesus Christ statue while spending fortunes for other statues is a part of the agenda of RSS combine, which is unfolding itself in various forms. opposition to Jesus Christ statue being yet another step in the direction.

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Ram Puniyani
February 4,2020

As democracy is seeping in slowly all over the world, there is an organization which is monitoring the degree of democracy in the individual countries, The Economist Intelligence Unit. As such in each country there are diverse factors which on one hand work to deepen it, while others weaken it. Overall there is a march from theoretical democracy to substantive one. The substantive democracy will herald not just the formal equality, freedom and community feeling in the country but will be founded on the substantive quality of these values. In India while the introduction of modern education, transport, communication laid the backdrop of beginning of the process, the direction towards deepening of the process begins with Mahatma Gandhi when he led the non-cooperation movement in 1920, in which average people participated. The movement of freedom for India went on to become the ‘greatest ever mass movement’ in the World.

The approval and standards for democracy were enshrined in Indian Constitution, which begins ‘We the people of India’, and was adopted on 26th January 1950. With this Constitution and the policies adopted by Nehru the process of democratization started seeping further, the dreaded Emergency in 1975, which was lifted later restored democratic freedoms in some degree. This process of democratisation is facing an opposition since the decade of 1990s after the launch of Ram Temple agitation, and has seen the further erosion with BJP led Government coming to power in 2014. The state has been proactively attacking civil liberties, pluralism and participative political culture with democracy becoming flawed in a serious way. And this is what got reflected in the slipping of India by ten places, to 51st, in 2019. On the index of democracy India slipped down from the score of 7.23 to 6.90. The impact of sectarian BJP politics is writ on the state of the nation, country.

Ironically this lowering of score has come at a time when the popular protests, the deepening of democracy has been given a boost and is picking up with the Shaheen Bagh protests. The protest which began in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi in the backdrop of this Government getting the Citizenship amendment Bill getting converted into an act and mercilessly attacking the students of Jamia Milia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University along with high handed approach in Jamia Nagar and neighbouring areas.  From 15th December 2019, the laudable protest is on.

It is interesting to note that the lead in this protest has been taken by the Muslim women, from the Burqa-Hijab clad to ‘not looking Muslim’ women and was joined by students and youth from all the communities, and later by the people from all the communities. Interestingly this time around this Muslim women initiated protest has contrast from all the protests which earlier had begun by Muslims. The protests opposing Shah Bano Judgment, the protests opposing entry of women in Haji Ali, the protests opposing the Government move to abolish triple Talaq. So far the maulanas from top were initiating the protests, with beard and skull cap dominating the marches and protests. The protests were by and large for protecting Sharia, Islam and were restricted to Muslim community participating.

This time around while Narendra Modi pronounced that ‘protesters can be identified by their clothes’, those who can be identified by their external appearance are greatly outnumbered by all those identified or not identified by their appearance.

The protests are not to save Islam or any other religion but to protect Indian Constitution. The slogans are structured around ‘Defence of democracy and Indian Constitution’. The theme slogans are not Allahu Akbar’ or Nara-E-Tadbeer’ but around preamble of Indian Constitution. The lead songs have come to be Faiz Ahmad Faiz’s ‘Hum Dekhenge’, a protest against Zia Ul Haq’s attempts to crush democracy in the name of religion. Another leading protest song is from Varun Grover, ‘Tanashah Aayenge…Hum Kagaz nahin Dikhayenge’, a call to civil disobedience against the CAA-NRC exercise and characterising the dictatorial nature of the current ruling regime.

While BJP was telling us that primary problem of Muslim women is Triple talaq, the Muslim women led movements has articulated that primary problem is the very threat to Muslim community. All other communities, cutting across religious lines, those below poverty line, those landless and shelter less people also see that if the citizenship of Muslims can be threatened because of lack of some papers, they will be not far behind in the victimization process being unleashed by this Government.

While CAA-NRC has acted as the precipitating factor, the policies of Modi regime, starting from failure to fulfil the tall promises of bringing back black money, the cruel impact of demonetisation, the rising process of commodities, the rising unemployment, the divisive policies of the ruling dispensation are the base on which these protest movements are standing. The spread of the protest movement, spontaneous but having similar message is remarkable. Shaheen Bagh is no more just a physical space; it’s a symbol of resistance against the divisive policies, against the policies which are increasing the sufferings of poor workers, the farmers and the average sections of society.

What is clear is that as identity issues, emotive issues like Ram Temple, Cow Beef, Love Jihad and Ghar Wapasi aimed to divide the society, Shaheen Bagh is uniting the society like never before. The democratisation process which faced erosion is getting a boost through people coming together around the Preamble of Indian Constitution, singing of Jan Gan Man, waving of tricolour and upholding the national icons like Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, Ambedkar and Maulana Azad. One can feel the sentiments which built India; one can see the courage of people to protect what India’s freedom movement and Indian Constitution gave them.

Surely the communal forces are spreading canards and falsehood against the protests. As such these protests which is a solid foundation of our democracy. The spontaneity of the movement is a strength which needs to be channelized to uphold Indian Constitution and democratic ethos of our beloved country.

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